Colombia’s cancilleria (foreign affairs ministry) was reminding foreign residents this week of the 2026 deadline to transfer their old resident visas to the new 5-year electronic visa scheme.
“Anyone with these visas, granted under previous regulations, must complete the mandatory process before October 31, 2026, before the Visa Authority,” announced the government, referring to resident ‘R’ visas issued before October, 2022, when new visa regulations came into effect.
Failure to transfer your visa by October 31 could lead to sanctions or even losing your residency status.
And even though the October deadline seems far away, the Cancilleria are expecting a flood of last-minute applications. Our advice is: don’t leave it to the last minute. Government websites are clunky at the best of times and you will need at least one appointment with Migración, which will be harder to get as the deadline approaches.
To avoid last-minute panic, here’s a quick Q and A to get ahead of the game…
No. Under new laws passed in 2022 (law 5477 to be precise), all R visas for long-term residents are now subject to a transfer every five years, which also coincides with the lifespan of the Cedula Extranjeria (Colombian-issued ID card). So even if the visa stamp in your passport says indefinida, you still need to do the transfer.
The traspaso applies to:
If you have a passport about to expire it makes sense to renew the passport before the visa transfer.
No. The traspaso is relatively simple and can be done mostly online, directly with the Cancilleria website. Although touted as a ‘transfer’, in most cases you will be issued with a new visa number in an electronic format that will be sent to you by email. You can then print your own e-visa and carry it with your passport and store it in your phone.
Other steps require visiting your nearest Migración office.
Around US$ 213 in total at current exchange rates. This breaks down to: US$25 for the Migration Movement Certificate, US$54 for the visa study, US$54 for the visa issuance, US$80 for a new replacement ID card (Cedula de Extranjeria).
Before applying for the traspaso, you need to obtain Certificado de Movimientos Migratorios, which is a printed certificate issued by Migración showing your entrances and exits from Colombia. The purpose of the certificate is to show your presence in Colombia. If you have been absent from the country for more than two years your residency status is automatically cancelled. You can apply and pay for the certificate online at the Migración website Formulario Único de Trámites page.
Be careful to select the centro facilitador (Migration office) that is closest to you because you must collect the printed certificate in person from the office. Also select the 10-year option for the certificate’s timeframe.
Not usually. One you have applied online, Migración will send you an email within three days notifying that your certificate is ready. You can go to the office and skip the lines by showing the email to the door staff. The counter staff will then print off the certificate. There is usually no need to make an appointment.
At present, Migración is only giving the option to collect the certificate in person in Colombia. This is one way to ensure that the visa holder is resident in Colombia. The option to collect in an overseas – i.e. at Colombian consulates – could change in the future.
Now you need to the visa website at www.cancilleria.gov.co, and navigate to the visa page called the SITAC. Note there are English and Spanish pages (the Spanish version sometimes works better).
Fill in your details to enter the system, then select ‘Visa traspaso’ from the dropdown menus. You will also be asked to click on the timeframe when your original ‘R’ visa was issued. You will then be told what documents to present; these can be uploaded in PDF.
This varies depending on your type of Resident visa and when it was issued, but generally:
Holders of permanent resident visas do not need to provide any more information. Other types of R visas might require evidence that the conditions under which the visa was granted still applies.
The fees are divided into a US$54 ‘study’ fee, which is paid on submission of the documents. When the visa transfer is approved you pay an additional ‘visa issuance fee’ of US$54. Payment is also online by Colombian PSE bank transfer scheme, or you can use Visa or Mastercard credit cards.
No. Once your e-visa is sent to you be email, you need to register your visa and apply for a new Cedula Extranjeria ID card within 15 days of receiving the new e-visa. The initial application and payment is done online, using the Formulario Único de Trámites page. Tick the Cedula Extranjeria box and select your nearest Migración office from the drop-down menu.
You’ll need to provide more information, scans, and an US$80 payment.
Nope. Now you need to make an appointment with the same Migración office to provide biometric data for your new CE. To make an appointment, first register with the website here. Slots for the following week are allocated often at 5pm on Sunday, so try at this time.
If there are no slots available, take a screenshot of the appointment page as you can later use this as evidence to prove you were trying to comply with the 15-day plan (Migración sometimes sanction visa holders for not registering on time).
If you do not get an appointment within 15 days don’t worry; with your screenshots of the full agendas, Migracion are unlikely to complain. Everyone knows the system is overloaded.
Another delay: some people wait months for the plastic card, though lately the wait has been getting shorter. You can use your old CE or your passport in the meantime.
The Cancilleria recommends applicants to apply directly for the traspaso directly via the website. However, commercial visa companies can assist with the paperwork but will charge a fee up to several hundred dollars. Try the process yourself before seeking professional help.
Just don’t leave it too late…
The post Long-term foreign residents reminded to transfer ‘R’ visas in 2026 appeared first on The Bogotá Post.
On March 22, American Airlines flight attendant Eric Gutierrez went missing after a night out in Medellín.
Less than a week later, authorities found his body in a river three hours away from the city. They concluded he had not died of natural causes.
The U.S-Salvadoran citizen’s murder is the latest in a string of tourist deaths in the Colombian city famous for its nightlife.
But, in conversation with The Bogotá Post, Medellín’s Secretary of Security, Manuel Villa Mejía, offered reassurances that the city remains a safe destination for tourists and shared tips to stay safe.
Gutiérrez, 32, appears to have been a victim of scopolamine robbery, in which thieves use the toxic drug to daze and incapacitate their targets. For years, this method has been well documented in Colombia, which is believed to have the highest number of cases in the world.
Medellín has a reputation as a party city and, accordingly, is often associated with stories about scams, druggings, and robberies.
But Villa Mejía insisted that the city does not tolerate criminal activities: “Our message is clear: there is no place for crime in Medellín.”
He highlighted the city’s recent security strategy to tackle crime, including increasing police presence in nightlife hotspots, dismantling gangs, and enhancing video surveillance.
The Secretary of Security noted how safety in Medellín – once the world’s murder capital – has dramatically improved in recent decades.
“Today is an example of how security can be improved through strategy, consistent effort, and institutional coordination,” said Villa Mejía.
He noted that the city’s homicide rate has fallen for two consecutive years, now standing at 10 per 100,000 inhabitants.
Villa Mejía compared this rate to U.S. cities like Atlanta (51), Washington D.C. (51), and Chicago (73).
“Although there is still a long way to go—since the only acceptable figure is zero—these advances reinforce our commitment to continue working every day to protect the lives, safety, and peace of mind of those who live in and visit the city,” said the Secretary of Security.
While Villa Mejía defended Medellín’s record on crime, he also said that tourists must take precautions to avoid ending up victims of robbery or worse.
“We invite all travelers to enjoy the city at their leisure, but also to exercise caution and act responsibly,” said Villa Mejía.
He recommended that travellers use trusted transportation, avoid displaying large amounts of money or expensive jewellery in public, and stay in safe areas where police are present.
Villa Mejía also stressed the dangers of meeting strangers, especially online. He added that travellers who meet a stranger in person should avoid accepting drinks from them and not follow them to an unknown location.
“The main recommendation is to stay in control of your surroundings,” concluded the Secretary of Security.
The post Medellin reassures tourists after US flight attendant death appeared first on The Bogotá Post.
Colombia is on the verge of banning female genital mutilation (FGM), as lawmakers advance legislation that would outlaw a practice still reported in parts of the country, making it the only nation in Latin America where cases have been documented.
In a unanimous decision, the First Commission of the Senate approved the bill in its third debate, leaving just one final vote in the full chamber before it can become law — a significant step in addressing a practice widely condemned as a violation of human rights.
The initiative, known as Bill 440 of 2025 (accumulated with 239 of 2024), seeks not only to prohibit FGM but to eradicate the conditions that allow it to persist, particularly in indigenous communities.
“This is about settling a historic debt with Indigenous women and girls,” Representative Jennifer Pedraza said after the vote. “Eradicating this violent and limiting practice is essential to guaranteeing their health and dignity.”
Globally, more than 230 million girls and women alive today have undergone FGM, according to the World Health Organization. The practice, defined as the partial or total removal of external female genitalia for non-medical reasons, is most often carried out on minors and can lead to severe bleeding, infections, complications in childbirth and long-term psychological trauma.
While FGM is most prevalent in parts of Africa, the Middle East and Asia, Colombia’s case has drawn particular concern due to its singular status in the Americas. Lawmakers noted that the practice disproportionately affects very young girls, often under the age of one, with cases concentrated in the departments of La Guajira, Chocó and Risaralda.
Official data show a gradual decline in reported cases: 91 in 2023, 54 in 2024 and 39 so far in 2025. Authorities caution, however, that underreporting, is pervasive.
The bill marks a strategic shift away from punitive approaches toward prevention, education and intercultural dialogue. Senator Clara López, who led the initiative in the Senate, argued that criminalization alone has failed to eliminate the practice elsewhere.
“In countries where FGM has been banned for decades, prevalence remains high,” López said during the debate, pointing to cases such as Mali and Egypt, where rates have remained above 80% despite legal prohibitions.
The legislation was developed through consultations with Indigenous leaders, including representatives of the Emberá community, where cases have been recorded. Juliana Dominico, a spokesperson for the Emberá, backed the bill while stressing that FGM is not an essential cultural or spiritual practice.
Supporters argue that framing FGM solely as a criminal issue risks driving it underground and alienating communities. Instead, the proposed law emphasizes public health strategies, education campaigns and culturally sensitive engagement to encourage abandonment of the practice.
International bodies have long called for a coordinated response. In 2008, the World Health Assembly adopted Resolution WHA61.16, urging governments to act across sectors including health, education, justice and social services.
Beyond its immediate health risks, FGM is widely recognized as a violation of fundamental rights, including bodily integrity and freedom from cruel or degrading treatment. In some cases, the procedure can be fatal.
The economic burden is also significant. The WHO estimates that treating complications related to FGM costs health systems around $1.4 billion annually, a figure expected to rise without stronger efforts to end the practice.
If approved in its final debate, Colombia’s ban would mark a turning point for the hemisphere, aligning the country with global efforts to eliminate FGM while testing a prevention-focused model that lawmakers hope will succeed where criminalization alone has fallen short.
The stunt began, as so many do in the age of viral fame, driven by the need to provoke a reaction.
At 35,000 feet above the Atlantic, inside the sealed cabin of an Avianca B-787 ‘Dreamliner’ en route from Bogotá to Madrid, passengers aboard flight AV46 were unwitting participants in a reckless influencer incident involving a “stink bomb”. At the center of it: Yeferson Cossio, a content creator whose appetite for shock value appears to have outpaced even the most basic understanding of context.
The incident occurred on March 11, 2026, during the long-haul crossing between Colombia and Spain – a route that typically lasts close to 10 hours and operates far from diversion airports for much of its duration. According to Avianca, Cossio activated “an odor-generating chemical device” mid-flight, releasing a strong, foul smell inside the cabin. Several passengers reportedly complained of discomfort, while others grew concerned about the nature of the substance.
What may have been conceived as a prank for social media rapidly escalated into a situation requiring intervention from the cabin crew, who followed established safety protocols for unknown substances in flight. In aviation, any unexplained odor – particularly one described as chemical – can trigger alarm, given the potential risks ranging from toxic exposure to onboard system malfunctions.
There is a particular kind of arrogance required to mistake a transatlantic flight for a social media stage.
Aircraft cabins are not neutral spaces. They are tightly controlled environments governed by strict international safety regulations, with air continuously recirculated through pressurization systems. Introducing any foreign substance – no matter how trivial its intent – can compromise not only passenger comfort but also operational safety.
Avianca’s response was swift and unequivocal. In an official statement, the airline confirmed it had terminated Cossio’s contract of carriage upon arrival and canceled his return ticket, citing “disruptive behavior” that affected “security, order, discipline, and sanitation” on board. The company also announced it would pursue legal action.
The airline went further, emphasizing the context: the aircraft was flying over the Atlantic Ocean at the time of the incident, limiting options for emergency diversion. Under such conditions, even a perceived threat can escalate quickly, placing additional pressure on crew and passengers alike.
Cossio, who commands more than 12 million followers on Instagram and upwards of 19 million on TikTok, has since denied the allegations. He claims the incident has been misrepresented and insists he will release video footage to clarify what happened, dismissing the reports as “gossip” and false accusations.
But denial does little to erase the broader implications.
The influencer has built his online persona around shock-driven content – often involving elaborate setups designed to provoke strong reactions. In previous videos, similar “odor-based” gags have been used on friends and acquaintances. Transplanting that formula into a commercial aircraft, however, represents a significant escalation.
In the algorithmic economy of social media, outrage is currency. Platforms reward engagement – clicks, shares, comments – often amplifying the most extreme content. For influencers, this creates constant pressure to push boundaries further, to transform everyday situations into spectacles.
But what happens when that spectacle unfolds in a high-risk, regulated environment?
The incident has reignited debate in Colombia over the limits of digital content and the responsibilities of public figures. Avianca used the moment to call on lawmakers to advance a Proyecto de Ley 153 de 2025, aimed at strengthening sanctions against conflictive passengers and enhancing protections for airline crews.
The aviation industry, both in Colombia and globally, has reported a rise in unruly passenger behavior in recent years. From altercations to non-compliance with safety instructions, the incident comes amid a wider shift in airline policy toward stricter enforcement of passenger conduct. Carriers are increasingly drawing hard lines around behavior once dismissed as merely inconsiderate. United Airlines, for instance, recently updated its contract of carriage to require passengers to use headphones when listening to personal devices, explicitly reserving the right to remove those who refuse and even ban repeat offenders.
The message is clear: in the confined, high-stakes environment of a commercial aircraft, disruption – no matter how trivial it may seem on the ground – is no longer tolerated. And for the passengers aboard AV46, the experience was not content. It was a disruption – uninvited, unsettling, and entirely avoidable.
Colombia’s security forces believe FARC dissident leader Iván Mordisco is alive but seriously wounded following a major aerial bombardment in the remote department of Vaupés, dealing a significant blow to one of the country’s most powerful armed groups.
Uncertainty over the fate of Mordisco — whose real name is Néstor Gregorio Vera Fernández — mounted over the weekend after the military reported six people killed in the strike, raising expectations that the elusive commander might be among the dead.
But Colombia’s forensic authority, Instituto Nacional de Medicina Legal, confirmed on March 29 that none of the bodies recovered from the operation corresponded to the rebel leader.
“After concluding forensic studies on six bodies received on March 28, it was determined that they correspond to four women and two men,” the agency said in a statement, adding that Mordisco was not among them.
Authorities said two of the women have yet to be formally identified. One of the victims is believed to have been a minor, aged between 16 and 17, according to officials.
The bombardment — one of the most powerful in recent months — targeted a jungle encampment linked to the dissident group’s Amazonas Bloc, considered part of Mordisco’s inner security ring. The operation combined air-to-ground strikes with a ground assault by elite units from Colombia’s military.
According to the armed forces, the offensive forms part of a broader escalation of operations against dissident factions that rejected the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC and resumed armed activity.
Military intelligence cited by local media indicates Mordisco was present in the area at the time of the attack and may have escaped wounded. Authorities say he is now “on the move” as troops attempt to close in on his location.
The head of Colombia’s Armed Forces, General Hugo Alejandro López Barreto, said the operation had “significantly affected the logistical and criminal capabilities” of the group, noting that weapons, explosives, communications equipment and computers were seized.
Among the items recovered were a pair of glasses resembling those used by Mordisco — a recurring detail in previous operations where the rebel leader narrowly escaped capture.
Security forces have since launched a large-scale containment operation in Vaupés, deploying troops, aircraft and surveillance drones in an effort to prevent his escape. “The objective is to establish a cordon — no one enters, no one leaves,” a security source said.
Mordisco, regarded as the top commander of the so-called Estado Mayor Central (EMC), has long been one of Colombia’s most wanted men. Authorities have placed a reward of 5 billion pesos (about $1.3 million) for information leading to his capture, while the United States has offered up to $5 million.
Despite sustained military pressure, he has repeatedly evaded capture. Officials say he has survived at least a dozen prior bombardments.
The latest operation follows a series of blows against his network earlier this month, including the arrest of several relatives and close associates in different parts of the country.
Government figures show that of 18 major operations carried out against illegal armed groups under President Gustavo Petro, 12 have targeted structures linked to the EMC.
The offensive comes as Petro’s “Total Peace” security strategy has stalled with illegal armed groups, including the National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrilla.
A confirmed injury or eventual capture of Mordisco would represent a major symbolic and operational victory for the government, potentially weakening one of the most hardline factions still engaged in conflict.
For now, uncertainty over his movements remains. While authorities have ruled out his death, the extent of his injuries — and his ability to continue commanding operations — is still unclear.
What is evident is that Colombian forces believe they are closer than ever to their target.
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