Governors’ Summit 2026. Image credit: National Federation of Departments.
On Wednesday, the Universidad de la Sabana and the National Federation of Departments (FND) hosted the Governors’ Summit, a rare event that convened almost all of the frontrunners in Colombia’s presidential race.
Paloma Valencia, Abelardo de la Espriella, Sergio Fajardo, Roy Barreras, and Claudia López fielded questions from regional authorities about how they planned to tackle problems in Colombia’s provinces.
While Iván Cepeda, the leftist favorite, was scheduled to attend, his team pulled out at the last minute, fuelling the candidate’s reputation for being media-shy.
Early on Wednesday morning, governors and their aides began filtering into the heavily policed event in Chía, a municipality north of Bogotá.
The FND selected questions from governors which were then posed to candidates by the two moderators: El Tiempo Director Andrés Mompotes and his counterpart at radio station La FM, Juan Lozano.
The main themes of the day were tackling insecurity and armed groups, investing in regional development, and mechanisms to improve provincial representation.
For some governors, the event was an opportunity to redress an acute crisis; Erasmo Zuleta, who heads the local government in Córdoba, used the forum to highlight the ongoing effects of disastrous floods which began earlier this year.
“The emergency didn’t pass, nor did the tragedy. The floodwaters receded, leaving behind widespread damage; they took lives, homes, crops, and material possessions,” Zuleta told The Bogotá Post.
“Now more than ever, we need greater solidarity to recover from the damage,” continued the Governor, in a bid for help from the national government.
Another recurring theme was prison reform, following a recent scandal over a concert that took place in the Itagüí prison in Antioquia.
Abelardo de la Espriella, the firebrand criminal defense attorney and right-wing frontrunner, used the opportunity to push his tough-on-crime proposal.
“In Colombia, there are no prisons—there are universities of crime,” said de la Espriella, who took aim at the National Penitentiary and Prison Institute (INPEC), which he described as “a den of thieves.”
Abelardo de la Espriella talks at the summit. Image credit: National Federation of Departments.
The candidate added that Colombia should look to El Salvador to develop its incarceration model, praising dictator Nayib Bukele’s draconian mass imprisonment efforts that have dramatically reduced crime and drawn condemnation from rights’ groups.
Security, more broadly, was also high on the agenda, as Colombia grapples with a surge in violence related to illegal armed groups.
“Today we are living in the grip of insecurity. They want to drag us back into the abyss we thought we had left behind,” railed Paloma Valencia, the candidate for the right-wing Centro Democrático (Democratic Center) party.
Fears of insecurity affecting democratic processes have overshadowed the elections, with the United Nations issuing a warning earlier this year that armed groups could disrupt the vote.
The Valle del Cauca department has been one of the most heavily affected by the armed conflict, with its capital, Cali, rocked by a wave of bomb attacks by rebel groups in the past year.
But its Governor, Dilian Francisca Toro, offered reassurances in conversation with The Bogotá Post: “We ensure that in every municipality and across all regions, law enforcement is present so that we can have free, democratic elections where there is no restriction whatsoever on the ability to vote.”
Toro also cited the elections on March 8 as an example of the success of security planning: “In Valle del Cauca we really had very peaceful elections, and now, God willing, we will have them again.”
Amid the mounting threat by armed groups, candidates De la Espriella and Valencia vow an iron fist, using military force to crush rebel forces. They model themselves after former right-wing President Álvaro Uribe (2002-2010), who teamed up with the U.S. to launch a total war on the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).
But leftist Iván Cepeda highlights the human rights abuses perpetrated by the government during that period, in which thousands of innocent civilians lost their lives. He proposes to continue the current administration’s Paz Total – or Total Peace – policy of negotiating with armed groups.
But Cepeda missed the opportunity to make his case to the public, fuelling criticism by his opponents.
De la Espriella has repeatedly called on Cepeda to agree to a debate, but the leftist candidate has yet to accept.
With less than two months before the May 31st election, there are increasingly few opportunities for the candidates to make their case before the public.
Fracttal, a maintenance intelligence platform that built its name across Latin America before relocating its headquarters to Madrid, has acquired TCMAN — Spain’s leading computerised maintenance management software provider — in a deal that deepens its roots in the European market it has been courting for several years.
TCMAN is not a minor target; founded in 1997, it is the dominant player in Spain’s computerized maintenance management system (CMMS) sector, with a client list that includes Acciona, Eiffage, Sanitas, and Quirón, and more than 250 organisations using its GIM platform to manage critical infrastructure, industrial, and healthcare assets.
For Fracttal, which manages over 20 million assets across 60 countries, the acquisition is less a technology play than a relationships play – three decades of trust with Spanish enterprise clients that would take years to replicate from scratch.
Image courtesy of Fracttal
The deal follows Fracttal’s $35 million USD funding round announced in January 2026, and the company has moved quickly to deploy it.
The strategic logic is clear: the global CMMS market is forecast to grow at 11.1% annually through 2030, reaching $2.41 billion, according to Grand View Research, driven by asset-intensive industries facing mounting pressure to reduce downtime and meet tightening safety regulations.
McKinsey research has also found that AI-powered predictive maintenance can extend machine life by up to 40% and cut unplanned downtime by half – the value proposition Fracttal will now pitch to TCMAN’s existing base of enterprise clients.
That pitch will involve upgrading GIM with Fracttal’s AI, IoT, and analytics capabilities. Whether TCMAN’s clients, who are accustomed to a local specialist with decades of sector knowledge, will embrace a more technology-forward roadmap is the central execution question.
“Integrating TCMAN’s expertise with our platform strengthens our ability to continue developing intelligent maintenance solutions and deliver greater value to organisations managing complex and distributed assets,” said Raúl Peris, COO of Fracttal.
For TCMAN’s founder, the sale marks a natural evolution: “For over 30 years, we have helped companies in multiple sectors better manage their assets,” said Eloy Ortega.
“Joining Fracttal allows us to expand the reach of our technology and continue evolving our solutions in a context where maintenance is increasingly strategic.”
Fracttal’s trajectory is itself a notable story for this region. The company grew out of Latin America – establishing operations in Chile, Colombia, Brazil, and Mexico before moving its headquarters to Madrid as it pushed into Europe. It now sits in the unusual position of being a Latin American-origin company acquiring a European incumbent on European soil, rather than the other way around.
For a region more accustomed to being the target of international acquisitions than the source of them, that inversion is worth noting.
“Maintenance is a key ally in building a more sustainable, safe and efficient world,” said Christian Struve, CEO and co-founder.
“This union allows us to accelerate that transformation, combining decades of industry experience with advanced technology and artificial intelligence.”
Featured image: Courtesy of Fracttal
Disclosure: This article mentions clients of an Espacio portfolio company.
La Mesa gang rounded up in Bogotá last week. Members are accused of murders and drug trafficking. Photo: Secretary of Security
The dismantling of a major crime gang which operated in Bogotá caused controversy last week after it emerged its leader was declared a peace negotiator under President Petro’s controversial Paz Total, or Total Peace, plan.
National police rounded up 23 members of the La Mesa gang in simultaneous operations in Tolima, Cesar and Bogotá. According to police reports, the gang was involved in serious crimes across the capital since 2012, including drug trafficking and murders.
News of the arrests was tainted by the fact that under the Paz Total process – the Petro government’s wide-ranging negotiations with armed groups – gang leader Gustavo Adolfo Pérez Peña, alias El Montañero, had his arrest warrant suspended under his role as gestor de paz, or ‘peace facilitator’.
The kingpin’s release sparked a furious response from Bogotá mayor Carlos Galán, who accused Petro of undermining the city’s efforts to curb crime.
Hoy en Bogotá anunciamos que, gracias a la Dijín, a la Fiscalía y a la @PoliciaBogota, fueron capturados 23 miembros de la banda “El Mesa”, entre ellos 8 sicarios. Mientras tanto, el Gobierno Nacional nombra al cabecilla de esa banda como gestor de paz y le levantó la orden de… pic.twitter.com/qiSmSoHgh7
“While in Bogotá,…the prosecutor’s office and the police, with the support of the Bogotá mayor’s office, are working to capture and dismantle a criminal gang dedicated to serious crimes, the national government appoints the leader of that gang as a peace facilitator and lifts the arrest warrant for him,” he railed.
The gang was also suspected of being behind last year’s gruesome killings where pieces of the bodies of victims were wrapped in plastic bags and dumped on the city’s highways.
A free pass for career criminals like Pérez Peña makes fighting crime “incredibly difficult,” added Galán.
Dodging a warrant
Alias El Montañero during his capture in 2019.
Details of La Mesa’s criminal activities released by the prosecutor’s office this week showed the gang originated in Bello, Antioquia, but spread to Bogotá in 2012.
Court documents reported in local news outlet El Colombiano paint Pérez Peña as a hardened criminal; he has been imprisoned four times, including for armed robbery, homicide and illegal possession of firearms, but was freed before serving his full sentences.
His rap sheet includes attacks on armored trucks, notably a cash heist in Bogotá in 2003 where a policeman was shot dead.
Pérez Peña’s most recent jailing was in 2019 when he was sentenced to eight years for conspiracy to commit a crime and illegal possession of firearms. It was during this stint that he was freed as a peace facilitator.
And even while the La Mesa gang has been rounded up this week with members facing multiple charges and long prison sentences, its leader and founder continues at liberty.
Get out of jail free?
Inclusion of criminal gangs in the Paz Total process has proved one of the thorniest aspects of Petro’s flagship policies and a political hot potato in the run-up to next month’s presidential elections.
Since its inception in 2022, the government’s peace negotiators have tried to include some of Colombia’s most embedded crime dynasties under the acronym Estructuras Armadas Organizadas del Crimen de Alto Impacto (EAOCAI).
This Paz Urbana, or urban peace, initiative is based on the reality that in Colombia today lines are blurred between organized armed groups and engrained criminal structures. Much of its effort has focused on Antioquia’s Valle de Aburrá, around Medellín, where many crime gangs took root after the fragmentation of the 1980s cocaine cartels.
The president’s office recently declared the process a partial success, claiming that the nominated peace spokespersons – many feared capos with violent histories – were now in a dialogue process which could “prevent further violence and prevent the resurgence of these structures”.
Many critics have predicted that – similar to the Paz Total process with large guerrilla groups – criminal gangs will leverage the negotiations to their own interests to gain time and territory or a get-out-of-jail-free card.
This week Medellín’s mayor Fico Gutíerez welcomed a resolution by the attorney general’s office to overturn many of the 23 nominations of local crime bosses as peace facilitators.
“The resolution removes 16 criminals currently serving sentences for serious crimes from the program. Seven remain eligible for the benefit,” he posted on X.
He also echoed Galán’s complaint that hardened criminals were being included in the peace process. “It is unacceptable that the Petro government has asked the prosecutor’s office to lift the current arrest warrant for homicide.”
Peace as a right
Defenders of Petro’s agenda hit back reminding that Paz Urbana was part of a constitutional process protected by Colombian law.
“Peace is a right, not a political strategy,” said Isabel Zuleta, a senator and key player in the Paz Total process.
The senator, who represents the government at the negotiating table with representatives of criminal gangs, accused the media and politicians of misreporting the negotiations.
“For nearly three years, a serious path toward de-escalating urban violence in Medellín and the Aburrá Valley has been painstakingly forged. Today, that work is being exploited by right-wing sectors that prefer to sabotage urban peace rather than acknowledge progress that is not electorally advantageous to them,” she said.
Zuleta also pointed out suspension of arrest warrants for gang leaders seeking peace did not free them of responsibilities for crimes they committed, nor would it stop judicial investigations.
Meanwhile, a mix-up between Petro’s government and Attorney General’s Office emerged over Antioquia’s urban peace process: 16 of the 23 capos named as peace negotiators were already in prison, so suspending their “arrest warrants” was nonsensical as they were already detained in the high-security Itagüí Prison.
“We truly never imagined that a request would be made to suspend arrest warrants for people already serving sentences,” chief prosecutor Luz Adriana Camargo told Caracol Radio.
Senator Isabel Zuleta with crime bosses in Itagüí Prison. Photo: Paz Urbana
Prison party
For this judicial – rather than political – reason, Camargo revoked the suspension orders for the 16 capos already doing time.
“We are talking about dialogues inside a prison with convicted individuals,” she said.
The Attorney General’s office also corrected widespread fake news – amplified by right-wing presidential candidates Paloma Valencia and Abelardo de la Espriella – that the 16 jailed crime chiefs would be freed as part of the Paz Urbana negotiations.
In fact, there were no plans to release the IItagüí peace facilitators, clarified Camargo’s office.
But in a further twist this week the government froze the peace talks in the Itagüí Prison after revelations that the jailed capos mounted an unauthorized vallenato concert by popular singer Nelson Velásquez, reportedly costing 500 million pesos (US$140,000).
For many commentators, the partying in the prison brought back painful memories of drug baron Pablo Escobar’s luxury lifestyle while supposedly imprisoned by the state in the 1990s.
Meanwhile the chief prosecutor Camargo came under fire for her decision to suspend warrants for seven other gang leaders currently on the run – including that of Pérez Peña of La Mesa.
This week the exact whereabouts of Pérez Peña was unknown, as was his willingness to engage in any peace process. According to a report by TV station Teleantioquia, the La Mesa gang leader was based in Madrid, Spain, while “moving around Europe as a sophisticated tourist”.
For El Montañero, coming home to Colombia, even under the guise of a peace facilitator, could be less of a holiday.
Bogotá-based Remoti launched a “Workforce-as-a-Service” model and new app on April 14, 2026, making the case that managing distributed teams in Latin America requires dedicated infrastructure – and that the company’s nearly ten years of regional operating experience is the foundation for building it.
The Remoti App consolidates the company’s services into three modules: Global Opportunities for talent matching, Workforce Operation covering payroll, compliance and contracts, and Marketplace & Financial Products providing financial tools to workers directly.
“The world changed, and companies need new ways to build and operate global teams. With Workforce-as-a-Service, we’re allowing firms to integrate talent in Latin America with the same flexibility with which they build their technology in the cloud,” said Pablo Miller, CEO and founder of the startup.
“At the same time, we’re allowing a new more structured, trustworthy and talent-backed experience in the region.”
The bundling is a move away from the traditional staffing model and toward something closer to a managed HR platform with deep regional focus.
The launch comes at a reasonable moment for the thesis: Colombia’s IT outsourcing market is projected to reach an annual growth rate of 7.37% through 2030, while the World Economic Forum’s Future of Jobs report found big data analysts, AI, and machine learning specialists will be among the fastest-growing job categories in the region – with 51% of employers calling for more public investment in reskilling.
The harder question is differentiation. While others have built global employer-of-record and HR infrastructure at scale, Remoti’s angle is regional depth and operational ownership – WaaS is framed as a managed service, not a software product, implying the company absorbs more risk in exchange for deeper client relationships.
“This launch marks a structural change in how organizations think about the redistribution of its operations and access to talent. It is the result of nearly 10 years building, operating and making a model perfect with international companies.” added Juan Felipe Velasco, managing director and co-founder at Remoti
The worker-facing financial products layer also points to a two-sided model that most competitors haven’t prioritized in the region.
Remoti’s event included a policy panel with Congressman Antonio Zabarain, who sponsored legislation to promote Colombia’s tech sector – relevant context given that 61% of Colombian firms cite outdated or inflexible regulatory frameworks as a barrier to business transformation, according to the WEF, making compliance navigation a genuine value-add rather than a commodity service.
Whether the WaaS framing holds up under the operational realities of multi-country employment compliance will determine how credible the platform story becomes.
International Women’s Day 2024 in Bogotá. Image credit: Juan Vargas via Wikimedia Commons
The more than 100 female Colombian journalists who signed the ‘No to the pact of silence’ – a petition calling for answers about former president Andrés Pastrana’s appearance in the Jeffrey Epstein files –have posed 10 questions to candidates in the upcoming presidential elections.
The questions, shared on X last Sunday, intend to make the candidates take a clear position before the public on key women’s issues, including the mentions of Pastrana in the Epstein files.
So far, only two candidates – Roy Barreras and Sondra Macollins – have responded publicly to the questions, which come amid what some have described as Colombia’s #MeToo movement.
“We asked 10 questions to those seeking the presidency,” wrote Ana Cristina Restrepo, one of the women leading the ‘No to the pact of silence’, in an X post on April 12.
The questions addressed the preservation of abortion rights, equal representation in positions of high power, protocols to address violence against women, and the commitment to the continuation, protection, and strengthening of related public policies in support of women’s rights.
Among the 102 women behind the questions are public figures like: María Elvira Samper, a writer, journalist and philosopher; Patricia Nieto, professor at the University of Antioquia and journalist; and Maria Teresa Ronderos, Director of the Ibero-American Center for Journalistic Investigation (CLIP).
The list also includes Jineth Bedoya Lima, a pioneer of #NoEsHoraDeCallar (it is not the time to be quiet) a campaign that denounces sexual violence and urges survivors to speak out against gender-based violence. Bedoya is herself a survivor of kidnapping, torture and sexual violence by paramilitaries in 2000, with her case going to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.
The first candidate to respond to the questions was center-left presidential hopeful Roy Barreras of the La Fuerza Party. “101 women signatories of #NoAlPactoDeSilencio, representing thousands of others, have put these 10 questions to the presidential candidates. Here, in this thread, are my answers,” he wrote on X on April 13.
Sondra Macollins, an independent candidate for the Digital Party, also answered in an X post on April 14.“I want to respond to what has been raised by #NoAlPactoDeSilencio because the truth is not negotiable,” she said.
“The time of the ‘untouchables’ and complicit silence is over. If there are names linked to Andrés Pastrana and Epstein, the country demands clear answers,” added Macollins.
The materials included a photo of Pastrana and Ghislaine Maxwell wearing Colombian Air Force uniforms, alleged compromising emails, and testimonies where Maxwell described the two as friends and claimed to have flown a Black Hawk in Colombia. There were also reports that Pastrana flew on a private jet with Epstein and disgraced agent Jean-Luc Brunel, accused of recruiting minors for the late financier.
Later, #MeTooColombia was brought into focus following allegations by female journalists of sexual harassment in media outlets such as RTVC and Caracol.
According to the official ballot issued by Colombia’s National Civil Registry, there are 14 presidential candidates for the first round, which will take place on May 31. Four of them are women.
Euthanasia planned for the numerous offspring of “cocaine hippos” originally smuggled in by Pablo Escobar.Not everyone is happy.
A hippo in Hacienda Nápoles, the ranch where Pablo Escobar first introduced them. Photo: S. Hide.
After years of debate over the fate of Colombia’s wild hippos – during which the feral beasts have multiplied in lush tropical rivers – the ministry of the environment has announced a plan to kill at least 80 of the African imports.
The non-native species was smuggled into Colombia by drug baron Pablo Escobar in 1980 as part of his collection of exotic animals – including rhinos and lions – which he kept at his ranch, Hacienda Napoles.
The infamous drug trafficker died in a rooftop battle in Medellín in1993, but a few hippos escaped his lowland ranch to find what biologists would later describe as “perfect conditions” in the nearby Magdalena River.
In the decades since around 200 offspring have spread over 100 kilometers (60 miles) of river and swamps bordering departments of Antioquia, Bolívar, Santander and Sucre.
But after years of procrastination over what to do with the wayward Hippopotamus amphibius – with various schemes to sterilize them or ship them to zoos and sanctuaries around the world – Colombia’s environment minister Irene Vélez said this week a cull was the only option.
“We’re talking of a process of euthanasia, which is the technical recommendation,” she told Blu Radio.
The plan was initially to reduce the population by 80 breeding individuals, then cull around 30 beasts per year which would systematically reduce the population.
The hippo range in Colombia, covering 100 kilometers of the Magdalena River Valley.
Hippo boom
The controversial decision is based on a 170-page technical report by the Humboldt Institute and Universidad Nacional in 2022.
The report concluded that the hippos were damaging the tropical ecosystem of the Magdalena river valley by spreading disease and overloading their watery habitat with nitrates: the amphibious herbivores grazed the riverbanks to each munch 50 kilos of grass a day – but then pooped the waste out into rivers and lakes.
Without an urgent cull the population “could increase to 500 hippopotamuses affecting our ecosystem by 2030,” Vélez told a press conference this week. This boom would further put at risk native populations of turtles and manatees.
Then there what the report referred to as “hippo – human interactions”, such as a car hitting a two-ton creatures on the main Bogotá – Medellín highway – which runs close to their main hangout near Puerto Triunfo – and even cases of locals trying to keep young ones as pets.
The report also pointed out that hippos were aggressive and territorial and officially the deadliest large mammal – they kill on average 500 people in Africa every year – and attacked boats and canoes on the river aswell as people, cattle and horses around the River Magdalena.
In other videos posted online people are seen chasing them down the highstreet in the town of Doradal.
Hippo takeover
To justify the cull, Vélez said reduction methods such as sterilization were too difficult – anaesthetizing wild hippos is no easy task – and none of the seven nations initially interesting in receiving live hippos for zoos and wildlife parks had followed through.
Watch out for hippos. Sign in Puerto Triunfo.
The cull would start in the second half of the 2026 around hippo hotspots close to Hacienda Nápoles in Puerto Triunfo and Isla del Silencio, a river island near to Puerto Boyacá, she said.
This island is home to a large group one of which attacked and severely injured a farmer collecting water from the riverbank in 2020, according to a news report. Colombia’s wet lowlands had perfect conditions for hippos, biologist Katerine Corrales told a Caracol news crew visiting the island this week.
“Africa has droughts and adverse weather patterns. Here we have a constant climate with abundant water and resources which generates a faster reproduction rate,” she said.
In the same report local villagers complained that the hippos had “taken over the island” and restricted commercial fishing.
Poor Pepe
Not everyone welcomed news of the cull. Hippo protection group Comisión Protectora de la Vida de los Hipopótamos – founded in the town of Puerto Triunfo close to Hacienda Nápoles and which benefits from hippo tourism – rejected the “terrible decision of the national government to authorize a hippo hunt”.
“In our municipality, we are committed to the protection and conservation of these incredible living beings. Hippos are an important part of our identity, and we must live in harmony with them,” said the group on its Facebook page this week.
It called a meeting in Bogotá to seek “non-violent” alternatives to the cull, such as a return to the plan of transferring live hippos to other countries.
Previous attempts to shoot hippos have ended in public relations disasters, such as the killing of Pepe in 2009. The large male hippo was slated for transfer to a zoo in Costa Rica after rampaging around Puerto Berrio.
But he was shot after a bungled attempt to capture him, and photos of an army platoon posing with his remains caused public revulsion, and a court ban on hunting hippos.
Pepe also highlighted the affection local communities had for “Pablo’s hippos”. For some folk the state persecution of the mammals was synonymous with the hunt for Pablo Escobar, still a popular figure among communities that benefitted from his largesse in the 1980s.
In fact, in the drug baron’s heyday the original hippos were kept at his Hacienda Nápoles in a public zoo and safari park where local families could tour for free. Today the hacienda and zoo is still there but managed by the state as part of a huge amusement park.
A captive hippo in Colombia. Escapees have multiplied in the wild. Photo: S Hide.
A grave in Colombia
This week, Minister Vélez was adamant that culling must form part of any population control.
It was global restrictions on wildlife trafficking – the CITES agreements – that had condemned the hippos in Colombia by preventing them being easily shipped abroad, she explained.
“It’s not enough for a zoo to raise its hand; the country must authorize their entry. Unfortunately, no country has given the green light. This administrative silence indicates that there is no interest in receiving them”.
It seems that putting Pablo’s hippos in overseas zoos is proving as difficult as extraditing the cartel kingpin himself. Like their progenitor, the big beasts face a violent end in Colombia rather than a cage in a foreign land.
Colombian police test illegal drugs. Credit: Colombian National Police
The Colombian National Police published a report this week summarizing the results of its counter-narcotics operations during the first quarter of 2026.
Authorities highlighted the results of their new anti-drug dubbed ‘Esmeralda Plus‘, which has led to the seizure of 124 tons of cocaine and 99 tons of cannabis.
The report comes as President Gustavo Petro faces pressure from the White House to prove his commitment to countering the illicit drug trade, which has been a source of dispute between the two administrations.
“We are delivering significant strikes against drug trafficking. Today we fulfill our duty to Colombia and the world with dignity,” said Brigadier General William Castaño Ramos, Director of the Anti-Narcotics Division, following the report’s publication.
In addition to the 124 tons of cocaine and 99 tons of cannabis confiscated, the police also seized over 450,000 gallons of liquid chemicals and 396,000 kilograms of solid ingredients used in drug production.
They also announced the destruction of 981 narcotics laboratories and the recovery of 99 ampoules of fentanyl.
The confiscation figures mark a significant increase in seizures compared to the first 100 days of 2025, which saw 104 tons of cocaine and 63 tons of cannabis confiscated.
These figures serve as a response to the heavy tensions that preceded the White House meeting, when U.S. President Donald Trump personally attacked Petro, signaling him as a “man who likes to make cocaine” and claiming that Colombia was “very sick” under his leadership.
The report comes amid mounting pressure by Washington for the Petro administration to tackle drug production.
Trump has accused Colombia of failing to cooperate in the fight against the narcotics trade and carried out a series of unilateral aerial strikes against suspected ‘narco-vessels’ off the coast of Colombia since September, actions condemned by the Petro as a violation of national sovereignty.
Furthermore, Colombia’s President is currently facing two preliminary criminal investigations in Brooklyn and Manhattan regarding his 2022 electoral campaign. U.S. prosecutors are examining alleged illicit donations from drug trafficking networks and meetings with traffickers intended to block extraditions.
“The United States has found a mechanism to pressure the government and extract the maximum amount of concessions regarding the fight against drugs,” Sandra Borda, Professor of Political Science at the University of the Andes, told TheBogotá Post.
While the Colombian government appears to have stepped up its counter-narcotics operations amid U.S. pressure, some say this may not be enough to appease the White House.
“For Washington, these technical results are necessary, but they aren’t enough to fully restore trust,” Nelson Poveda, a political analyst and international affairs expert with experience in Colombia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, told TheBogotá Post. “Still, these reports act as a bridge for ‘technical diplomacy,’ allowing cooperation to continue even when the political relationship is tense.”
In the report, authorities stress that ‘Esmeralda Plus’ attacks narcotics trafficking as a holistic system rather than just seizing drugs.
“We are directly destabilizing the finances, logistics, and operational capacity of these criminal structures,” pointed out General William Rincón, Chief of the National Police Service.
But Colombia has been excluded from key regional counter-narcotics efforts, notably the “Shield of the Americas”, a new anti-drug alliance promoted by Donald Trump.
The White House has historically favored eradication – the destruction of drug crops – as a counter-narcotics strategy.
But Petro has consistently defended his “Total Peace” policy, arguing that the war on drugs must move away from just persecuting farmers and shift toward dismantling the financial backbone of cartels and taking down criminal leaders.
However, authorities reported 40 arrests for extradition purposes and more than 17,000 arrests related to drug trafficking so far this year. Additionally, the manual eradication of around 2,000 hectares of illicit crops shows that the Colombian administration is maintaining a mixed offensive that combines social policy with high-impact law enforcement.
With the 2026 electoral cycle approaching in Colombia, Petro’s administration is under immense pressure to show that this humanitarian approach is not a sign of weakness before he leaves office.
Colombia’s top Catholic official, Bogotá’s Archbishop Luis José Rueda Aparicio, marked Holy Thursday by washing the feet of transgender women and sex workers in the capital, in a gesture aimed at promoting the inclusion of marginalized communities.
Rueda carried out the ritual in the Santa Fe neighborhood, a central red-light area known as a “tolerance zone.” The ceremony was one of the Church’s Holy Week observances and drew community leaders, social organizations and local residents.
The washing of feet is a central rite of Holy Thursday (also known as Maundy Thursday), commemorating the biblical account of Jesus washing the feet of his apostles during the Last Supper. The act symbolizes humility, service and care for others, particularly the most vulnerable.
Rueda kneeled before participants to echo this tradition for the second year in a row. Last April, he performed a similar ceremony paying tribute to Sara Millerey, a trans woman murdered in Medellín earlier that year.
“May no one feel rejected, may no one feel excluded,” Rueda said during the mass he directed prior to the rite. In a statement for Noticias Uno, he added that “what societies do through discrimination is fracture”.
#NoticiasUNO| El Arzobispo Primado de Colombia, monseñor Luis José Rueda, lavó los pies a un grupo de personas de la comunidad trans y de mujeres trabajadoras sexuales en el barrio Santa Fe, zona de tolerancia de Bogotá pic.twitter.com/YpAXvuich2
Some participants described the moment as deeply meaningful.
Valentina Rojas, a transgender woman who took part, said she felt “happy” and “loved” after the ceremony.
The gesture comes amid ongoing tensions within the global Catholic Church over LGBTQ+ rights.
Pope Leo XIV has recently reiterated that Church teachings on sexuality and marriage are unlikely to shift in the near term, describing such issues as “highly polarizing.”
Although he has emphasized that all individuals are welcome in the Church, he has ruled out immediate doctrinal changes regarding same-sex relationships or transgender identity.
Residency ‘R’ visas issued before 21 October 2022 need to be transferred to 5-year electronic format by October 31, 2026, Failure to comply could risk losing residency status.
Colombia’s cancilleria (foreign affairs ministry) was reminding foreign residents this week of the 2026 deadline to transfer their old resident visas to the new 5-year electronic visa scheme.
“Anyone with these visas, granted under previous regulations, must complete the mandatory process before October 31, 2026, before the Visa Authority,” announced the government, referring to resident ‘R’ visas issued before October, 2022, when new visa regulations came into effect.
Failure to transfer your visa by October 31 could lead to sanctions or even losing your residency status.
And even though the October deadline seems far away, the Cancilleria are expecting a flood of last-minute applications. Our advice is: don’t leave it to the last minute. Government websites are clunky at the best of times and you will need at least one appointment with Migración, which will be harder to get as the deadline approaches.
To avoid last-minute panic, here’s a quick Q and A to get ahead of the game…
I have a permanent ‘R’ residents visa in my passport. Surely that’s OK?
No. Under new laws passed in 2022 (law 5477 to be precise), all R visas for long-term residents are now subject to a transfer every five years, which also coincides with the lifespan of the Cedula Extranjeria (Colombian-issued ID card). So even if the visa stamp in your passport says indefinida, you still need to do the transfer.
The traspaso applies to:
All Resident (R) visas issued before October 21, 2022.
Any new R e-visas after five years (the expiry date is written on the visa).
If you change passports for any reason (expired, lost or stolen).
If you have a passport about to expire it makes sense to renew the passport before the visa transfer.
So, do I have to start the whole visa application process again?
No. The traspaso is relatively simple and can be done mostly online, directly with the Cancilleria website. Although touted as a ‘transfer’, in most cases you will be issued with a new visa number in an electronic format that will be sent to you by email. You can then print your own e-visa and carry it with your passport and store it in your phone.
Other steps require visiting your nearest Migración office.
What are the steps?
Obtain your Migration Movement Certificate from the nearest Migration Office.
Apply online for visa traspaso. Wait for the e-visa to be issued.
Register your new e-visa and apply for a new Cedula Extranjeria ID card online.
Make an appointment with Migration Office for your biometric data.
Collect your new Cedula Extranjeria ID card.
How much does it cost?
Around US$ 213 in total at current exchange rates. This breaks down to: US$25 for the Migration Movement Certificate, US$54 for the visa study, US$54 for the visa issuance, US$80 for a new replacement ID card (Cedula de Extranjeria).
What’s the Migration Movement Certificate?
Before applying for the traspaso, you need to obtain Certificado de Movimientos Migratorios, which is a printed certificate issued by Migración showing your entrances and exits from Colombia. The purpose of the certificate is to show your presence in Colombia. If you have been absent from the country for more than two years your residency status is automatically cancelled. You can apply and pay for the certificate online at the Migración website Formulario Único de Trámites page.
Be careful to select the centro facilitador (Migration office) that is closest to you because you must collect the printed certificate in person from the office. Also select the 10-year option for the certificate’s timeframe.
Not usually. One you have applied online, Migración will send you an email within three days notifying that your certificate is ready. You can go to the office and skip the lines by showing the email to the door staff. The counter staff will then print off the certificate. There is usually no need to make an appointment.
Can I get the certificate from overseas?
At present, Migración is only giving the option to collect the certificate in person in Colombia. This is one way to ensure that the visa holder is resident in Colombia. The option to collect in an overseas – i.e. at Colombian consulates – could change in the future.
Example of the printed Certificado de Movimientos Migratorios.
OK, so what about the visa transfer?
Now you need to the visa website at www.cancilleria.gov.co, and navigate to the visa page called the SITAC. Note there are English and Spanish pages (the Spanish version sometimes works better).
Fill in your details to enter the system, then select ‘Visa traspaso’ from the dropdown menus. You will also be asked to click on the timeframe when your original ‘R’ visa was issued. You will then be told what documents to present; these can be uploaded in PDF.
The visa application page on the Cancelleria website. Choose ‘traspaso’ from the options.
What documents are required?
This varies depending on your type of Resident visa and when it was issued, but generally:
Scan of your original R visa.
Scan of your passport main page.
Scan of your current Cedula Extranjeria.
Scan of your most recent migration entry stamp to Colombia.
Scan of your Migratory Movements Certificate issued by Migración.
Letter requesting the transfer, explaining the reason for the request (i.e. ‘para cumplir con Ley 5477 de 2022’).
Passport-style digital photo meeting the specifications.
Holders of permanent resident visas do not need to provide any more information. Other types of R visas might require evidence that the conditions under which the visa was granted still applies.
How do I pay?
The fees are divided into a US$54 ‘study’ fee, which is paid on submission of the documents. When the visa transfer is approved you pay an additional ‘visa issuance fee’ of US$54. Payment is also online by Colombian PSE bank transfer scheme, or you can use Visa or Mastercard credit cards.
Is that the traspaso done?
No. Once your e-visa is sent to you be email, you need to register your visa and apply for a new Cedula Extranjeria ID card within 15 days of receiving the new e-visa. The initial application and payment is done online, using the Formulario Único de Trámites page. Tick the Cedula Extranjeria box and select your nearest Migración office from the drop-down menu.
You’ll need to provide more information, scans, and an US$80 payment.
Back to the FUT page, but this time for the Cedula and visa registration.
Surely that’s the end of it?
Nope. Now you need to make an appointment with the same Migración office to provide biometric data for your new CE. To make an appointment, first register with the website here. Slots for the following week are allocated often at 5pm on Sunday, so try at this time.
If there are no slots available, take a screenshot of the appointment page as you can later use this as evidence to prove you were trying to comply with the 15-day plan (Migración sometimes sanction visa holders for not registering on time).
If you do not get an appointment within 15 days don’t worry; with your screenshots of the full agendas, Migracion are unlikely to complain. Everyone knows the system is overloaded.
What about my Cedula de Extranjeria?
Another delay: some people wait months for the plastic card, though lately the wait has been getting shorter. You can use your old CE or your passport in the meantime.
Should I hire a commercial visa company to do the paperwork?
The Cancilleria recommends applicants to apply directly for the traspaso directly via the website. However, commercial visa companies can assist with the paperwork but will charge a fee up to several hundred dollars. Try the process yourself before seeking professional help.
On March 22, American Airlines flight attendant Eric Gutierrez went missing after a night out in Medellín.
Less than a week later, authorities found his body in a river three hours away from the city. They concluded he had not died of natural causes.
The U.S-Salvadoran citizen’s murder is the latest in a string of tourist deaths in the Colombian city famous for its nightlife.
But, in conversation with The Bogotá Post, Medellín’s Secretary of Security, Manuel Villa Mejía, offered reassurances that the city remains a safe destination for tourists and shared tips to stay safe.
Is Medellin a safe destination?
Gutiérrez, 32, appears to have been a victim of scopolamine robbery, in which thieves use the toxic drug to daze and incapacitate their targets. For years, this method has been well documented in Colombia, which is believed to have the highest number of cases in the world.
Medellín has a reputation as a party city and, accordingly, is often associated with stories about scams, druggings, and robberies.
But Villa Mejía insisted that the city does not tolerate criminal activities: “Our message is clear: there is no place for crime in Medellín.”
He highlighted the city’s recent security strategy to tackle crime, including increasing police presence in nightlife hotspots, dismantling gangs, and enhancing video surveillance.
The Secretary of Security noted how safety in Medellín – once the world’s murder capital – has dramatically improved in recent decades.
“Today is an example of how security can be improved through strategy, consistent effort, and institutional coordination,” said Villa Mejía.
He noted that the city’s homicide rate has fallen for two consecutive years, now standing at 10 per 100,000 inhabitants.
Villa Mejía compared this rate to U.S. cities like Atlanta (51), Washington D.C. (51), and Chicago (73).
“Although there is still a long way to go—since the only acceptable figure is zero—these advances reinforce our commitment to continue working every day to protect the lives, safety, and peace of mind of those who live in and visit the city,” said the Secretary of Security.
Tips to stay safe
While Villa Mejía defended Medellín’s record on crime, he also said that tourists must take precautions to avoid ending up victims of robbery or worse.
“We invite all travelers to enjoy the city at their leisure, but also to exercise caution and act responsibly,” said Villa Mejía.
He recommended that travellers use trusted transportation, avoid displaying large amounts of money or expensive jewellery in public, and stay in safe areas where police are present.
Villa Mejía also stressed the dangers of meeting strangers, especially online. He added that travellers who meet a stranger in person should avoid accepting drinks from them and not follow them to an unknown location.
“The main recommendation is to stay in control of your surroundings,” concluded the Secretary of Security.
The startup ecosystem in Medellin has long been a leading success story for both Colombia and Latin America. In recent weeks, the progress of Medellin’s evolution into a knowledge-based economy and hub for innovation has gained even more traction.
Globally, Medellin currently ranks at #145, according to the StartupBlink Ecosystem Index, and holds 5th place regionally in South America. On a national level, the strength and diversity of Medellin’s startup ecosystem is second only to Bogota.
Now, the launch of a new official district-level ranking designed to measure local performance in science, technology, and innovation promises to strengthen the innovation sector in Medellin even further. The “CTi Ecosystem Pulse” (Pulso Ecosistema CTI) is an initiative from the Mayor of Medellin and Ruta-N will provide local organizations with granular data on their performance set against an official innovation benchmark.
The benchmark being rolled out with the CTi Ecosystem Pulse initiative will support organizations in Medellin’s innovation ecosystem to benchmark themselves, make more strategic decisions, and strengthen their national and international positioning.
In addition, Ruta-N also announced that Medellin has been included in the World Economic Forum’s (WEF) Network of Innovation Ecosystems, a platform that connects 17 cities across the Americas, Europe, and Asia to promote collaboration, shared learning, and the development of innovative solutions.
Here, the WEF recognized the role Ruta-N has played as orchestrator of the innovation ecosystem, connecting companies, academia, the public sector, and civil society to strengthen entrepreneurship. The organization has also been ranked 1st among the country’s public open innovation ecosystems in the 2025 Open Startups 100 ranking.
It’s also interesting to note how quickly Medellin has been able to climb through the rankings in a short span of time. In 2025/2026, the city climbed 17 spots in global rankings and is recognized for having the highest growth among startup ecosystems in South America.
The data, coupled with the new CTi Ecosystem Pulse initiative, suggests that Medellin is expected to continue with this impressive upward trajectory on a national, regional and global scale.
However, this success story has been made possible by three central pillars of innovation: Academia, conferences and local investors. Let’s take a closer look at how these play out across the city.
University Support Nurtures Innovation in Medellin
First of all, universities and academic institutions represent a core pillar of Medellin’s innovation economy.
EAFIT’s Impact Entrepreneurship Center is one academic unit that has played an active role in boosting entrepreneurship in the city. In 2021, EAFIT University’s president, Claudia Restrepo found that less than 5% of the most impactful startups in Colombia had EAFIT alumni as founders.
In response to the data, the university decided to take entrepreneurship out of its academic silo and connect it with the real-world ecosystem by creating the Impact Entrepreneurship Center, known as On.going.
Four years after the initial survey, the center has incubated nearly 190 initiatives. In addition, 40% of these are now formalized ventures, showing why nurturing entrepreneurship in Medellin pays dividends in short time frames.
Under the leadership of Director Tomás Ríos, On.going joined forces with EAFIT, Fundación Fraternidad Medellín and Universidad EIA to establish U Ventures, the first VC fund in Colombia designed to invest in university talent.
“Out of every thousand ideas, maybe four grow and scale,” Ríos explained in an interview with Ana Herazo of Contxto. “To have 40 large companies in the future, you need 10,000 ideas today.”
Medellin conferences boost international collaboration
Events and conferences represent another central pillar within most innovation strategies, and Medellin has also spurred collaboration on an international scale through this channel.
One example of a homegrown initiative can be found with Starter Company, today one of the largest startup events in Latin America. In 2025, Starter Company brought together 13,000 attendees from 20 countries, 340 startups, and more than 160 investment funds.
According to CEO Juan Gabriel Arboleda, part of the reason why Starter Company has found such success is that they don’t try to mimic models from other parts of the world. Instead, they have built something from the ground up that works for entrepreneurs in the region.
Mike Hoey
We can see numerous examples of public-private collaborations that support the rise of tech innovation in Medellin and bring international attention to the city. For example, TECH SPHERE was organized by software development enterprise Source Meridian, 360 Health Data and the Pascual Bravo University Institution. Mike Hoey founded Source Meridian and is one of the city’s leading international tech entrepreneurs.
The conference highlighted Medellin’s role as a catalyst for AI research in Latin America and brought together business execs, researchers, entrepreneurs, and professionals from across sectors and backgrounds to explore how AI can be practically applied to solve real challenges and scale impactful solutions.
While local initiatives play an important role, we can also see the rise of international events choosing to host conferences in Medellin and South America and the region continues to be recognized for its contributions to innovation.
Horasis, a global think tank headquartered in Zurich led by Frank-Jürgen Richter, held the Horasis Global Summit 2025 in Brazil. The event represented the largest meeting the organization has held to date, bringing together 1000 speakers from 50 countries, a testament to the draw of the region.
Horasis Global Meeting in Brazil
Local entrepreneurs and investors solve real-world problems
The final pillar to this success story lies in the presence of eager local entrepreneurs and investors from Medellin. Both the innovator and the investor are integral to the ongoing success of Medellin’s innovation ecosystem.
Its platform, Coralia Health, translates medical knowledge and resources into Spanish through tech-powered automations, meaning physicians in the region now have rapid access to up-to-date, reliable, and relevant information.
Without more support and funding systems like U Ventures to sustain ideas from the earliest stages, the pipeline collapses before it can produce results.
Meanwhile, local innovators have a keen understanding of the gaps in the market and the solutions can drive the most impact.
As Medellin continues to rise through the global innovation rankings, it’s likely to encourage more entrepreneurs to stay and encourage more investors to back high-tech ideas.
UNESCO has designated Medellín, Colombia’s second-largest city, as the World Book Capital for 2027, recognizing the Colombian city’s rapid growth in reading culture and its use of books and libraries as tools for social transformation.
The decision, announced in March, follows a recommendation by the organization’s World Book Capital Advisory Committee, made up of publishers, booksellers and authors.
Medellín will become the 27th city to hold the title since 2001, with its program set to begin on April 23, 2027, coinciding with World Book and Copyright Day.
UNESCO said Medellín has seen a 542% increase in bookstores over the past 70 years, placing it at the top of Colombia’s reading index. The city is home to more than 110 bookstores and 25 libraries, many of them built as part of urban renewal projects that transformed former prisons and police facilities into cultural spaces.
“Books are not just carriers of stories. They are a source of creativity and learning,” said UNESCO Director General Khaled El-Enany, adding that Medellín’s designation sends “a powerful message about how culture can build peace and social cohesion.”
Mayor Federico Gutiérrez described the recognition as a milestone for the city. “Medellín has shown that reading is a fundamental part of its culture,” he said. “We want every child born here to grow up with a book in their hands.”
Gutiérrez said Medellín’s bid for the World Book Capital designation was built around five strategic pillars, including early childhood reading programs to ensure access to books from birth, as well as initiatives to promote reading among students through book clubs and opportunities to meet authors and engage with their work.
Cities named World Book Capital commit to promoting reading across all age groups and organizing a year-long program of cultural activities. According to Spanish-language philologist Andrea Peláez, the initiative is designed to support cities with strong cultural momentum.
“These are cities with significant cultural mobilization,” Peláez said. “UNESCO supports them for a year to develop projects that promote reading, especially among young people and vulnerable communities, while strengthening literacy ecosystems overall.”
A key part of Medellín’s literary ecosystem is its Eventos del Libro, a series of large-scale public events including the Book and Culture Festival (Fiesta del Libro y la Cultura), which bring together writers, publishers and readers across the city.
These events promote reading through school programs, author visits and community activities, often encouraging students to engage with books ahead of meeting authors in person.
UNESCO said the designation is part of broader efforts to strengthen literacy and access to books worldwide, highlighting similar initiatives in regions such as Central America and Ethiopia.
Once associated with violence, Medellín has gained international recognition in recent decades for its cultural and urban transformation – with books and libraries playing part in that shift.
Featured image credit: Festival de Libro Medellín.
Segunda Marquetalia ordered the attack last year according to trial testimony.
Segunda Marquetalia announce their formation in 2019, from the jungles of Guainia, Colombia. Video Capture.
Revelations that former FARC leaders ordered the 2025 killing of Miguel Uribe have heightened political tensions in the run-up to the May presidential elections.
The 39-year-old Colombian senator and presidential hopeful was gunned down by a Bogotá gang hired by the Segunda Marquetalia, an armed group created by disgruntled guerrillas hiding in Venezuela, according to testimony revealed in court.
The senator was shot down by a 15-year-old assassin at an open-air political rally in the barrio of Modelia in June, 2025. Uribe died of head wounds two months later.
After months of investigations and multiple arrests, state prosecutors were last week finally able to link the local gang that carried out the hit with the armed group.
The breakthrough came during the trial of Bogotá-based gang leader Simeón Pérez Marroquín, also known as ‘El Viejo’, who admitted he had hired the local Plata o Plomo (‘Silver or Lead’) gang to carry out the killing on behalf of the Segunda Marquetalia armed group.
“The deal was that they would pay one billion pesos [US$270,000] for the senator’s death,” said Marroquín in a statement reported by magazine Semana.
Right hand man
Confirmation of involvement by an armed group founded by former FARC leaders sparked a political spat between front-runners for the upcoming presidential election.
Right-wing candidate Paloma Valencia was quick to accuse the Petro government of negotiating peace with the Segunda Marquetalia – even while the armed group was plotting the murder of Uribe.
Valencia referred to Marroquín’s statements that the hit was organized by veteran guerrilla Zarco Aldinever, the right-hand man of the group leader Iván Márquez, in early 2025.
At this time Aldinever was nominated a ‘peace manager’ by the Petro government, meaning any arrest warrants were suspended and the rebel was free to roam. This despite the collapse of peace talks with the Segunda Marquetalia at the end of 2024.
Valencia further pointed to the closeness between her main election rival Iván Cepeda and leaders of the armed group.
Old photo
Iván Cepeda with Iván Marquez.
“The killer of Miguel Uribe is photographed hugging Iván Cepeda,” she wrote on X, attaching a photo of her rival with Segunda Marquetalia founder Iván Márquez.
In fact, the photo of Cepeda dated from the 2016 FARC peace talks, explained President Petro in a strongly worded statement defending his friend and political ally.
“The photo shows Iván Cepeda’s attempt to help [the Santos government] achieve peace. At that time, the entire FARC was ready for peace,” said.
Iván Márquez was number two in the FARC at the time and widely respected for his role in the negotiations.
Petro went on to blame his predecessor, right-wing president Iván Duque, for undermining the FARC peace process that forced former guerrilla leaders like Márquez back to arms and the Segunda Marquetalia.
Following the 2016 deal, some former FARC leaders had been “entrapped by state prosecutors with fake drug charges”, he said, leading to extradition requests from the United States.
Faced with this legal pressure several top commanders, including Iván Márquez and Jesus Santrich, fled to Venezuela in 2018 before emerging on video a year later to announce their new incarnation as the Segunda Marquetalia, named after the village in the Tolima department where the original FARC first formed in 1964.
The armed group was active in drug trafficking and illegal mining along the Colombia-Venezuela border, in the departments such as Vichada and Guainía, according to a profile by InsightCrime. The leadership is suspected of hiding out in Venezuela.
Another study by Fundacion Ideas para La Paz estimated the group to have 530 armed combatants in 2025, an increase of 15% on 2024, and work mostly in the eastern plains of Colombia.
A hunt is on
In a press conference on Tuesday, Valencia accused Cepeda and other left-wing lawmakers of backing the former FARC commanders in their legal battles back in 2018, creating a chain of events leading to the creation of recycled armed group.
“Congressmen like Cepeda defended [Marquéz and Santrich] …and didn’t allow them to be extradited. If these thugs had been extradited, Miguel Uribe would be alive today,” she said.
In his own press statement Cepeda called Valencia’s comments “a dirty political game” and issued a challenge to the candidate, and her political mentor right-wing former president Álvaro Uribe, to back up the accusations in court.
“It’s infamy to accuse me or President Petro to have any type of involvement in such a deplorable deed as the assassination of senator and presidential pre-candidate Miguel Uribe,” he said.
Meanwhile this week the Colombian attorney general’s office launched a fresh hunt for the leaders of the Segunda Marquetalia, offering around million-dollar rewards for the capture of seven commanders including Iván Márquez and Zarco Aldinever.
In fact, Aldinever was reported killed by rival armed group ELN in Venezuela during a squabble over a cocaine shipment in August last year – the same month that Miguel Uribe died – according to Colombian state forces at the time.
This week Colombia’s Minister of Defense Pedro Sanchez walked back that claim saying no body had ever been found and that the initial report of Aldinever’s death – sent from the Segunda Marquetalia itself – could be disinformation.
“At this time, the position is clear: without a body there is no confirmation of death, and that is why all institutional resources remain active to locate him,” said Sanchez.
Underworld connections
Closer to home, the Segunda Marquetalia’s influence in Bogotá was under scrutiny after Simeón Marroquín’s testimony shed light on the murky connections with the city’s underworld.
Marroquín admitted that in previous decades he had acted as an urban operative for the FARC guerrillas, a hired gun ready to carry out orders in the city.
“I never wore camouflage, but while I was here in Bogotá, I was a miliciano. Guerrilla missions would come up, and I’d carry them out, but I was never in the ranks.”
His contacts with the FARC continued to the Segunda Marquetalia that tapped him for the Uribe killing.
Early in 2025, Marroquín was invited to a secret meeting in Cúcuta close to the Venezuelan border where, according to his testimony, Aldinever offered him one billion pesos for the crime (US$270,000) and another 600 million pesos (US$160,000) to “bribe the justice system” to deflect attention from the guerrilla group.
The motive for the killing was not clearly revealed by Marroquín, though a text message later found on his phone sent to his guerrilla paymasters talked of an “eye for an eye”, suggesting the former rebels were out for revenge.
The Uribe case uncovered links between the Segunda Marquetalia guerrillas and urban criminals.
Chilling revelation
Uribe was selected as an influential senator, scion of a right-wing political family, and popular candidate for this year’s presidential elections. He was also an easy target for assassins with his regular visits to communities where he had walkabouts to engage with local voters.
In the first few months of 2025, Marroquín worked his underworld connections to hire the Plata o Plomo gang which in turn lured the 15-year-old gunman who shot and wounded Miguel Uribe in a small park in the barrio of Modelia on June 7.
Marroquín’s account paints a picture of a loose network of petty criminals lured by cash rather than political interests, ignorant of the details of both their intended target and the paymasters behind the plot.
The middleman saw the hit as a “good business opportunity” but also a chance to rekindle his role as urban operative for a guerrilla organization.
Marroquín’s plan unraveled after the 15-year-old gunman and various low-level gang members were detained in the hours and days following the June attack, creating a trail leading to his own capture in October.
“What’s done is done”
One chilling revelation was the order from above for Marroquín to kill low-level gang members to cut links to the guerrilla masterminds. This included murdering alias Gabriela, who transported the weapon and was present on the day of the shooting.
Marroquín refused to kill Gabriela, telling investigators “I didn’t have the heart for that because she was very young.” But he did send her by bus to the city of Florencia where the guerrillas were lying in wait.
#ATENCIÓN | "No hay palabras que justifiquen dicho acto, pero pues ya está hecho (…)", fueron las palabras con las que Simeón Pérez Marroquín, alias ‘El Viejo’, pidió perdón a la familia del senador y precandidato presidencial Miguel Uribe Turbay, tras reconocer que fue el… pic.twitter.com/btgnOsTEF7
The 19-year-old never made it; police investigators, already on Gabriela’s trail, organized for the bus to “break down” some miles before Florencia. Her arrest there and subsequent interrogation lead to Marroquín’s capture and eventual exposing of the links to the Segunda Marquetalia.
Last week, during the court process, Simeón Marroquín attempted to apologize for his role in the killing of Miguel Uribe.
“There are no words to justify my actions, but what’s done is done,” he said on camera from his cell, addressing his victim’s family – Uribe was married with four children – and asking forgiveness. He was then sentenced to 22 years in prison.
How quickly Colombian investigators can find Zarco Aldinever or other Segunda Marquetalia commanders, dead or alive, or hiding in Venezuela, remains to be seen.
Playa Blanca, near Tierra Bomba Island. Credit: David Shankbone via Flickr
According to the United Nations (UN), the world is in an era of “global water bankruptcy.” In Latin America alone, the OECD finds that 17 million people still lack access to safe drinking water. Among those affected are the residents of Tierra Bomba, a small Caribbean island located off the coast of Colombia which faces persistent challenges in obtaining drinking water.
The island, home to an estimated 9,000 people, lacks access to clean water, with residents relying almost entirely on supplies brought in by boat from the mainland.
However, water filtration startup Vital Lyfe and Amigos Del Mar, a local NGO, recently made a breakthrough for the island’s water supply; in November last year, they successfully tested a decentralized water system, which can turn seawater into treated filtered water. So far, 40 families in the area have been helped by the project, benefitting from stable water production with minimal maintenance.
“Everyone knows that water is extremely expensive here,” Marta Maldonado, a Tierra Bomba local, told The Bogotá Post. “One gallon costs three thousand pesos. As a family, we have to buy four gallons of water every single day just to start the day. Many times, the water arrives with a little bit of salt in it, and that has even made us sick.”
For Maldonado, Vital Lyfe and Amigos Del Mar’s work has made drinking water more accessible. “Drinking the water filtered by Tierra Bomba’s technology is something special. It makes me realize that good water has finally arrived here. We have the sea right in front of us, and now, with these machines, clean water becomes possible. For us, it is something essential,” Maldonado said.
Making seawater drinkable
As an island, Tierra Bomba faces significant challenges. For instance, there is a lack of running water and sewage systems, issues with gas access, and inefficient trash collection that can make life difficult for residents.
“One of the biggest problems that we see in Tierra Bomba is clean water access. The water comes by boat, and it can be expensive, inconsistent, and sometimes of questionable quality. The water gets to the island, and people have to go and buy it in one place, making it really hard for some people to carry water to their homes,” Pedro Salazar, president and founder of Amigos Del Mar, told The Bogotá Post.
Amigos del Mar, established in 2015, decided to collaborate with Vital Lyfe to see if there was a way to create more reliable water access for the island. “Water is life. It brings health when a lot of the unsanitary water in the area carries diseases that people have been consuming. The quality of life for the people of Tierra Bomba can become much better, as we have already seen with this pilot, when they have access to good quality water for everything in their lives, from drinking to cleaning to cooking,” Salazar said.
Under the hood
The project uses a portable filtration system built by Vital Lyfe, which offers a high-efficiency purification engine that combines mechanical innovations such as low-cost reverse osmosis membranes, and smart power management to deliver clean water without the industrial footprint normally associated with purification. The device can adapt to the water that is available, using the lowest energy, and implementing the most efficient treatment pathway for that specific source.
This approach enables the system to process naturally occurring water sources, including brackish water, seawater, and freshwater, to eliminate salts and biological contaminants so the water can be made into drinkable, filtered water.
“The project was a great success, with the technology working immediately, providing filtered water for around 40 families in the area. Many more became aware of the system and expressed interest as well, providing a need for more of this kind of tech. The mission achieved field validation for us as well, proving that the technology could work in remote environments with little knowledge or maintenance needed from the local community,” Jon Criss, CEO and co-founder of Vital Lyfe told The Bogotá Post.
Criss notes that the local community assisted with the rollout, unloading and positioning equipment before installation began. The project means that rather than having to rely on a fragile supply chain which is vulnerable to changing weather conditions, community members can enjoy sustainable access to clean water that’s local and scalable.
“For us, this wasn’t just a one-off deployment. It was proof that communities like Tierra Bomba don’t have to stay dependent. There’s real potential here to expand the impact and build something long-term that strengthens resilience and lowers cost at the same time,” Criss said.
While the pilot looks promising, it also remains to be seen if the equipment can sustain prolonged use. In addition, there is more research to be done, to demonstrate that such a filtration solution could provide filtered drinking water to more populated areas.
Weeks on from the first floods in northern Colombia, thousands of people remain without many of the basics and facing further problems. Find out what you can do to help.
The northern Colombian city of Montería was hit by extreme weather earlier this year, as exceptionally heavy rains flooded the city completely. Thousands of people in the capital of Córdoba have lost everything in the deluge.
While the relentless cycle of news marches on to discuss the upcoming elections, the families affected cannot. Their lives remain in ruins, with further problems coming as the water recedes. Most of the department is relatively poor, with the affected communities overwhelmingly from those in need even previous to this disaster.
The rains have lessened in severity, with fewer downpours and the water is slowly draining, but it will take years to undo the damage that it has wrought. The immediate emergency may be over for the time being, but the recuperation process will take long years to complete.
Thousands of people need help, many in extreme risk
What can you do to help those affected by the Córdoba floods?
Today, the charitable organisation Colombia Unida por Córdoba is launching a donation drive to help those hit by the rains to rebuild their lives as quickly as possible after the deluge. You can donate here to make your contribution to the campaign.
The money raised will go towards rehabilitation and reconstruction of households, schools and medical centres on the one hand and humanitarian assistance such as temporary housing and medical care on the other.
In the short term, thousands of people need immediate help, whether in terms of shelter or medically. Moving into the medium term there will be a need to both rebuild and restock a range of buildings to get people back to their regular lives.
Within the range of services that are needed by the communities under threat are not only physical and monetary assistance but also psychological help for those that have lost everything. Many farmers will need specialist advisory services to reestablish their fields.
The campaign seeks to bring Colombia together in order to help out a department battered by the effects of extreme weather, something that has grown in magnitude in recent years. It is a movement run both for and by Colombians.
The aid project will require everyone to pull together
Full transparency and auditing is at the core of the project, meaning you can check where the money is really going, unlike some of the larger international organisations. Moreover, the organisers are people who know the situation from firsthand experience.
The Cruz Roja Colombiana are also taking donations of clothes and building materials at their Salitre centre (Av.68 #68b-31), and you can donate money directly on this link. The local government in Bogotá, too, is organising donation drives on this link.
What’s the situation on the ground?
The capital of Córdoba, Montería, is the worst hit major city in the country, with thousands of people evacuated in the city and surrounds. Over 200,000 people have been directly affected by the rains.
A flooded barrio in Montería, Colombia
Everyone has been hit hard – 365 barrios across 25 muncipios. Hundreds of farms are underwater, houses have been inundated and 15 Indigenous reservations are among the list of those now facing an uncertain and perilous future.
A lot of infrastructure is in ruins too, with over 2,000km of roads submerged and hundreds of schools and medical centres unusable for at least the medium term and no sign of what comes next. Córdoba is a relatively poor department, without the resources that Medellín or Bogotá can call upon.
Sadly, politics have come into play here too, with Petro clashing with regional governor Erasmo Zuleta over the management of the department. The pair have had a lot of differences over the years. He also said he was initially unable to land in Córdoba due to the risk of an attack.
More reasonable are Petro’s claims that the situation has been exacerbated by water management systems such as reservoirs. These have diverted normal water flows and critically diminished the region’s ability to handle pressure from unusual weather patterns. Zuleta’s response is that the national government oversees the Urrá hydro plant.
The Caribbean coast has been hard hot elsewhere, with Uraba Antioqueño, La Guajira and Sucre joining Córdoba, and the Amazon and Pacific regions have also seen unusually high rainfall for the start of the year.
Even when the rains stop, the long term effects will take years to overcome. Already, bad actors are starting to take advantage of the situation, with desperate houseowners paying through the nose for boaters to rescue their belongings before thieves arrive.
Fields that are now underwater will take an age to fully drain and even longer to recover from the damage currently being wrought upon them. Thousands upon thousands of hectares of farmland will be unusable for the near future.
President Gustavo Petro on Tuesday declared three days of national mourning in Colombia following a military plane crash on Monday which killed 69 soldiers.
The accident occurred at the Puerto Leguízamo airport in Putumayo, a region located in the southwest of the country, involving a C-130 Hercules aircraft normally used to transport troops and humanitarian aid to remote regions.
According to the latest official reports, at least 69 soldiers and crew members were killed in the disaster. The military transport plane, belonging to the Colombian Aerospace Force (FAC), was carrying over 120 people when it smashed onto the grounds of a nearby farm just after takeoff.
During the period of national mourning, Petro confirmed that flags will fly at half-mast and military honors will be given to the victims of the tragedy and their families.
He decretado tres días de duelo en todo el territorio nacional en memoria de los 69 uniformados pertenecientes al Ejército, Fuerza Aeroespacial y la Policía Nacional que perdieron la vida en el accidente aéreo en Puerto Leguízamo – Putumayo el pasado 23 de marzo.
Many households are grieving the loss of their children, but one family in particular mourns the loss of two: brothers Santiago and Daniel Esteban Arias. Originally from Puerto Libertador, in the Caribbean department of Córdoba.
Monday’s crash is one of the worst aviation tragedies in the country’s recent history. In 2016, a plane carrying players from Brazil’s Chapecoense soccer team crashed into the mountains outside Medellín, killing over 70 people.
Lamentamos profundamente informar que, tras culminar las labores de búsqueda y rescate, hoy confirmamos con dolor los nombres de nuestros héroes que ofrendaron su vida en el accidente aéreo en Puerto Leguízamo, #Putumayo.
— Ejército Nacional de Colombia (@COL_EJERCITO) March 24, 2026
In Puerto Leguízamo, survivors of the military plane crash were transferred to specialized medical centers across the country.
Authorities are investigating the causes of the accident but have dismissed preliminary claims of an attack by guerrilla forces active in the region.
The Mayor of Puerto Leguízamo, Luis Emilio Bustos Morales, told local media, including Blu Radio and Noticias RCN, that “they have many hypotheses.”
He noted that among them, “there is talk that they were carrying too much weight” or “that the runway was too short for them.”
During the emergency, residents used their own motorcycles to evacuate the survivors before official help arrived; some of them were also injured by ammunition exploding in the flames.
The medical center known as ‘Hospital Militar Central’, located in the capital Bogotá, confirmed that a local rescue worker is among those being treated there.
President Petro expressed his gratitude through his X account, stating that “this is how a nation is built.” He thanked the local citizens who rushed to save the survivors. He also highlighted the soldiers who ran to save others during the disaster, calling their actions a “beautiful proof of love and solidarity.”
The painful moments were detailed by soldier Mauro Peñaranda, who survived and described the scene as the aircraft went down to local media outlets: “It was leaning to one side, and there was a weird noise (…) the plane was creaking,” he told RTVC. Mauro also stated that they did not receive clear instructions from the cockpit during the situation.
“I honestly don’t even know how I got out of there… I just jumped and got out,” he said.
The governments of Ecuador, Panama, France, and the United States, among others, also offered their condolences to the Colombian military forces and the victims’ families.
Featured image: Photo of Colombian military plane crash site in Puerto Leguízamo on March 23, 2026.
What does the name Anto<3 mean, and why is it written like that? Find out all about one of Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026’s most dynamic acts.
Anto<3 are all over the place both orthographically and musically, but in a good way. This is as Gen Z as it comes, gleefully mashing up sounds and styles in an explosion of energy, chaos and unfiltered reality. They’ll definitely start Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026 on the front foot with a shot of adrenaline to the heart.
This is full-throttle music that is relentless and breathless. Explicit and provocative lyrics take you through whirlwind mini-stories told in an effects-heavy style, underpinned by complex, energetic and throbbingly insistent rhythms.
2022’s Regañada
Charismatic singer Antonia Broderick and producer Samuel Huertas take time out to talk to us about their upcoming show at Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026. It’s immediately clear where the energy comes from – Broderick’s eyes dart around while Huertas has a laid-back drawl.
Their opinions on playing the country’s biggest music fest illustrate their personalities well. Broderick leaps in to say “So fucking excited, honestly. I think it’s going to be a really great moment for everyone,” while Huertas adds “Of course, we’ve been here as audience members too, so that’s cool, because it’s from here.”
Broderick’s take on their music is simply to reel off a list of adjectives: “ Intense, punky, hardcore, free, vulnerable.” Some of that might seem contradictory, but that’s part of the point of the band. Trying to pigeonhole them is a fool’s errand, constantly getting lost as they flit seamlessly and effortlessly between genres.
Huertas tells us that fusion is key to their sound, saying that they have “Electronica with Colombian things – a lot of trap and reggaeton, I don’t know what more. Rock, also, and emo?” The former are clear in the beats while the latter two often come through in the lyrics, with candid expressions of sadness and allusions to depression alongside a celebration of vice and hedonism.
He also has time for more classic sounds, even if repurposed and refashioned for a 2026 audience. “We also have like cumbia, but mixed with new genres. Some of our songs are really traditional, which is cool.” It’s not the first thing you’ll hear, but it comes out on repeat listens.
Playing with the idea of romance, they gleefully announce their new single: the charmingly named Romantikunt. It’s a bold name, to be sure, illustrative of how few fucks they give as to what others may think. Broderick seems to relish anglo-saxon words, liberally dropping ‘fucks’ throughout her songs.
And that iconoclastic, playful band name? It comes from the delightfulness of a peck on the cheek, as Broderick explains “The name is because I love the emoticon, it’s like a heart and I think I’m really romantic. It’s basically Anto-heart, but more cool.”
It’s a name that encapsulates the band: it’s Gen Z already-ironic emoticons, tells you they don’t give a fuck about classic forms and is jarring to see, while adding that twist of sugar that sweetens the message just enough to make Anto<3 fun.
Anto<3 play the Páramo stage at 3pm on Sunday March 22 at Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026
Colombia’s premier music event kicks off today, with top tier talent throughout the bill. Who’s on and what do you need to know about Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026?
Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026 is here at last! By far the most high-profile event in the Bogotá musical calendar, the festival has gone from strength to strength since its return to the heart of the capital and this year is certainly no exception. The sun has even come out to say hello for Friday at least.
With music event tourism growing in popularity, Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026 is a reason to visit Bogotá for many, with floods of foreign tourists coming in from Latin America and beyond, eager to check out what a contemporary Latin music festival looks like and how rolos party.
Our guide will let you in on some talent you might not have heard of on the bill as well as give you an idea of what the festival itself is like. Whether that’s eating and drinking, transportation or even what to wear, we’ve got you covered.
How to get around Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026
First time at Festival Estéreo Picnic? First time at a major Latin event? Don’t worry, it’s a well-oiled machine that is easy to deal with. All basic transactions are done via a cashless wristband that you can pick up onsite. The system is easy to charge, use and even reclaim outstanding balance from.
Bands are usually timed so that you can flip back and forth between the two main stages (Festival Estereo Picnic and Mundo Distinto) and catch everyone as long as you don’t need to be right at the front for everyone. Getting around is usually pretty easy, with big wide paths and wheelchair access relatively well set up.
Estéreo Picnic is definitely the main stage, facing in reverse to the Rock al Parque setup, but Mundo Distinto pushes it close as a strong second stage. Many years it sees the best performances, with the likes of Fatboy Slim and Limp Biskit ripping it up in recent years.
However, for true music geek points you’ll want to get to Lago (behind the second stage) and Bosque (to the left of main stage) for smaller bands and a more intimate atmosphere. When well-supported locals are onstage, this is a lively place to be.
There’s even a beach! Sort of.
As well as the bands on the open air stages there are also a triptych of tents. These feature a range of cabaret artists – expect burlesque, drag and the like – and a revolving lineup of mostly local DJs. These are great places to dip into if you’re left cold by the stages, but expect a fierce heat inside.
In terms of refreshments you should have no problems. There’s a decent dedicated eating area and unless you go at the absolute peak time you should have no trouble finding seats. Prices are towards the higher end of Bogotá, but not at all crazy.
Offerings are similar to what you might expect to find in a food court at a mall: a bunch of big and big-ish chains plus a few smaller outlets. Vegans are usually catered to by either NoPollo or Stankov. There’ll be a craft beer stall somewhere plus a BBC van.
This is Bogotá, so make sure you pack waterproofs and suncream porque sí. You probably need at least one of them and possibly both. If you turn up in the late afternoon you can get away without the cream, but remember people burn fast at altitude.
Decent hiking waterproofs aren’t high fashion but they are very practical and with La Niña refusing to clear off, likely to be necessary. Even if you avoid the actual rainy spells, there’s a good chance of muddy patches that can quickly ruin nice trainers.
El mundo distinto is set to be sunny for the start of the weekend
If you find yourself with a long time between bands or needing a rest, there are chill out zones to relax with as well as a market featuring stalls usually run by independent brands. There will also be plenty of megacorps trying to flog stuff all over the park.
This year, it’s a three-day event. That seems like a good move, concentrating quality into a long weekend rather than stretching things over four days. Adult tickets start at COP$523,000 for a single day and are available online via Ticketmaster here.
Finally, toilets. Yes, it’s a festival, but no, they aren’t bad. Men and women are neatly separated, but make sure you bring a pack of tissues as paper is usually in short supply. The area is nice and large so no risk of anything horrible happening.
Who to watch at Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026?
Friday
Friday’s lineup starts strong
Get onsite early to check out Entreco opening the Lago stage at 4pm on the way in. They’re queer-punk iconoclasts from Cali with a long history. The crowd might be small, but the performance will be big, with plenty of charisma on stage. Manú is then over at the Bosque for some more introspective pop.
Djo and Katseye arrived at the airport together this week and they play joined at the hip – the latter on the second stage for sundown, with the former taking over on the main stage after an hour.
Then things get complicated. Six Sex will be on a minor stage, Bogotá rockcito mainstays Nicolás y los Fumadores are at the Lago and Addison Rae lights up the second stage. Digital Nuclear Transistor is worth catching in the tents if you’re a fan of dark techno.
And then Turnstile arrive at the main stage for what will be a crushing moshpit. They’re on at the right time in the right place: it’ll be intense, just as it was when they played here a few years back.
With probably the strongest single-day lineup, there’s only one place to be to see out the day as Tyler, the Creator takes to the stage at 23:15. Lorde is the warm-up on the second stage if you don’t want to be pushing to the front for the headliner.
Saturday
Old favourites return on Saturday
After Friday’s fun and games, you might be tempted to arrive late on the following afternoon. That would be a shame, because there’s some fine acts early doors. Machaka from Ecuador is an interesting take on Latin pop, Kabinett is wildly inventive alternative electronica and 31 minutos is a puppet show. Yes really, and it’ll be huge.
Perhaps one of the most Latin experiences you can have is on today: La Tigresa del Oriente. An octagenarian balladeer that defies all comparison and most description, look her up to get an idea of what’ll happen. Aora tent at 7pm, it’ll be something special.
After that, you have Tom Morello continuing to rage against the machine, but still having an early night and The Killers, who have been here before and always turn in a big set. Swedish House Mafia close out the second stage and that is likely to be bouncing, with Festival Estéreo Picnic always loving this type of slot.
Sunday
Sunday finishes on a high
The day kicks off with an absolute riot of local talent from early on, with Anto<3, Agraciada Pirineos en Llamas and Zarigüeya all opening stages. All four are exciting young Colombian talent that reward those getting onsite to see them.
Unlike anything else on the bill, Zarigüeya is proudly political without tubthumping and blending carranga rhythms into a smooth smorgasbord of styles.
Latin American maximalism is represented by Agraciada, who teams that visual style with soulful, delicate minimalist harmonies.
Macario Martínez is a Mexican viral sensation tipped to make it big while booking Travis to play Colombia early afternoon this close to the rainy season is frankly tempting fate. Then there’s the mystery of pop pixie Sabrina Carpenter, a ray of upbeat pop among an array of darker and more aggressive acts.
Those are Interpol, Deftones and Skrillex, giving a very turn of the century feel to the end of the festival. Interpol will sound like they always do, serviceable, but the other two are more interesting.
Deftones are back on track after some rocky years, gaining near-universal acclaim for this tour as more people re-evaluate their position as nu-metal pioneers. Skrillex, meanwhile, dug a furrow all of his own as the DJ metalheads love and metalhead DJs love. He’ll lean more into the former than latter to close out Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026.
Mixing Latin American maximalist visuals with a sensitive minimalist sound, Agraciada is set to light up Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026.
Huilense popster Agraciada in person screams Latin American maximalism with her outfit. Musically, though, she’s more introspective and sensitive with a deep groundswell of emotion eddying through her songs in the tradition of melancholic Latin crooners. She’s set to bring something different to Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026.
This clash of flamboyance and melancholy would be reminiscent of Morrissey were she not so easy to talk to and such pleasant company. Born Georgina Rojas Vargás, she explains where the dualism of visual maximalism and musical minimalism comes from.
“It depends on the day,” she says with regard to her flamboyant outfit and stuffed toy. “Sometimes you have to do something a bit special. The visual identity is very important for me, the maximalism. That has a lot to do with my day-to-day life too.”
She warms to the theme, explaining that when it comes to music she thinks less can be more. “I consider myself very sensitive, it’s part of my personality. I perceive everything as very intense and music permits me to express that.”
Her music is very traditional in terms of emotion and emphasis, with a heavy focus on loss, melancholy and sadness as well as dreams of love. While there’s a lot going on, it’s muted rather than flashy, allowing the vocals to take centre stage.
In the Latin tradition, it’s gentle and soulful with stripped back wistful harmonies. “I consider my music very melancholic,” she says, continuing “there’s the romanticism of salsa and ranchera as well as other traditional genres in Colombia and Mexico particularly. It’s a very Latin American mix.”
Pressed for a personal recommendation, she says that “Calor de corazón shows the intensity of my personality.” She recommends listening in 5.1 surround sound for the full effect of the aural soundscape to reach and envelop you.
She’s looking forward to being onstage at Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026 as she loves performing. “For me art is like a service, I’m inviting the audience to share something very personal from me.” She’s been in Bogotá more than enough time to pick up the accent, so she knows just how big a stage this is.
It’ll be a big affair as well – she’s turning up with full musical support. “There will be 15 musicians on stage with me, because they’re my friends and we want to put something a bit different on stage. That includes two pianos.”
Agraciada is a bundle of contrasts that triggers lots of emotions through her gentle, softcore delivery. It’s perfect music both for a warm Bogotá afternoon at Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026 or in a nice cosy bar elsewhere in la nevera.
Agraciada plays the Bosque stage on Sunday March 22 at 14:30 as part of Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026.
Singer-songwriter Zarigüeya is on a learning curve at Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026, but she’s sure of her principles. Find out why she’s not on the world’s biggest music streamer.
Sara at the Festival Estéreo Picnic press event
Singer Sara Puentes Umbarila is performing at Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026 with a musical style that’s markedly different to much of the bill.
Known as Zarigüeya, she combines a range of musical influences with an unapologetically political stance. This isn’t party politics though, instead being about principles and philosophy.
It’s not easy finding Zarigüeya online, and she readily explains why. “I’m really hard to find because I’m not on Spotify. I was, but then I took my music out of the platform. It was a political decision, because I found out the owner was investing in war and on top of that they don’t pay the artists well. So I prefer not to be part of that.”
It’s a principled stand of the type that used to be normal in music but is becoming less commonplace. “I know it’s important for artists to be easy to find, but I don’t care.” A sentiment that might resonate with the likes of Tom Morello on the bill.
Not being on Spotify means more promotion the old-fashioned way – making good music and playing it live. And there’s no bigger stage than Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026. “I’m here to learn, basically, she says, adding “I feel good, a little bit shy, anxious but I know it’s going to be really fun and special to have this chance to share this music in places where I usually wouldn’t go.”
Making the effort to find her music (on pretty much any other platform) is well worth it though. She has a beguilingly soft voice that underpins deep lyrics. While she’s certainly part of the well established Latin tradition of a singer with a guitar, there’s a lot more to her music, blending a rainbow range of rhythms and styles.
She returns again to the theme of learning as she explains how her songs differ. “I’m still figuring things out after three years as a songwriter, so I have my band and I also play alone.” That adds to the sense of whimsy that permeates her sound – as comfortable with full backing or going solo.
Carranga pops up often in descriptions of Zarigüeya and it is a part of the mix, but she draws from lots of sources. “I mean, I love carranga, it’s one of my favorite genres, but this is not intended to be 100% carranga.”
“This is music, you have a little bit of many different rhythms. It has a clear carranga inspiration but not in all the songs. Three or four have a strong influence, but many are just whatever comes [to me] in the moment, not on a strict schedule.”
It’s no surprise that this isn’t just a musical basis. “One of my biggest influences is Violeta Parra cause she has an amazing voice, she had a very free spirit and also was always trying to find songs in the fields, in the mountains, in the people. And also she was really political in her songs which is something I admire.”
It’s a departure from much of the bill, for sure. “[The audience] can expect to see something different from the rest of the lineup, because of the music and also the vibe of the show. I like to talk a lot and be very narrative.” Adding to that is a multimedia experience, with a friend illustrating live on stage and her own art also prominent as a backdrop.
Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026 isn’t her usual scene, so it’s a special opportunity. “I go to other places usually, other kinds of festivals. So in all senses it’s new to me. It’s challenging and confronting to be part of this. I was not looking for it but I think I will learn a lot.” As will you if you get to her set on Sunday, or further down the line.
Zarigüeya plays the Lago stage at 14:15 on Sunday afternoon at Festival Estéreo Picnic 2026.
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