Medellín, Colombia’s second-largest city, is often cited globally as a textbook example of urban transformation. Central to this evolution is ACI Medellín, the city’s specialized Agency for Cooperation and Investment. By fostering a unique “triple helix” collaboration between the public sector, private enterprise, and academia, the agency has managed to maintain a stable environment for capital even during periods of national political volatility.
In this exclusive interview, Loren Moss, Executive Editor of Finance Colombia, speaks with Cristina Zambrano Restrepo, the Executive Director of ACI Medellín. They discuss how the city nearly tripled its investment attraction over the past year, reaching over $400 million USD, and the strategies used to reassure international investors during a complex electoral landscape in Colombia.
Finance Colombia: I’m here with Cristina Zambrano Restrepo, the Executive Director of ACI Medellín. It’s always a pleasure to be with you. Thank you for the invitation. I know you’re extremely busy, so thank you for making the time to speak with Finance Colombia. How have you been?
Cristina Zambrano Restrepo: Very well, thank you very much. Truly happy to be here with you. Thank you for accepting this invitation. Without a doubt, we work to bring good and positive news to this city, and thank you for being here and for sharing and conveying all of these good things.
Finance Colombia: Yes, today you talked about the successes that ACI Medellín and the city have had this year in attracting investment. Tell us a bit about some of those successes. I think it’s going to be another large business hotel, and tell us a little about how you’ve kept busy.
Cristina Zambrano Restrepo: Of course. A major focus for us is job creation through investment attraction. So, what did we achieve this year? We went from USD 150 million generated last year to more than USD 400 million this year. As I’ve mentioned, this is reflected in the creation of more than 11,500 formal, high-quality jobs generated by this investment attraction. We have major allies and players here, such as Renault-Sofasa, Rivana Business Park, SoftServe, and POMA. A great deal of companies, some already established, others newly arriving in the region. TaskUs too, which is also extremely important and has made major commitments to us. These are the companies that manage to generate that employment.
Finance Colombia: Excellent, that’s fascinating. I have a history with Colombia of about 20 years, and here in Medellín of about 11 years, and it’s truly wonderful to see how the city has grown—not only in population, but in investment and innovation. However, we’re living in a time of high uncertainty around the world—not just in Colombia, not just in the United States, but globally. Especially when we talk about the sector, not in general terms, but politically and economically. Has this made attracting investment more difficult or more challenging over the past year? How has this affected efforts to attract FDI, like, foreign investment, and what strategies have you used to overcome this challenge?
Cristina Zambrano Restrepo: Here, clearly, the political landscape affects and directly impacts confidence, right? The stability of a region, how we present ourselves to the world and to those very large capital investments, showing that we are a stable region, that we believe in them, and that we will support them. So, what strategies do we have? Without a doubt, it has been very challenging. We would like, for example, to be able to offer a range of benefits, extensions, fast-track processes in permitting and such, but in that sense we depend heavily on the national government. But we don’t stop there. We work from the regional level and have a firm commitment locally, focusing on what we ourselves can support, contribute, and manage from this area, the private sector. Which also helped sustain the region during the previous administration, and the academic sector, all the universities, and that ecosystem, which have been fundamental. And now the public sector as well, we are all working together specifically from this region to demonstrate that we are a region that inspires confidence, offers stability, and has all the right conditions for investment to continue to arrive.
Finance Colombia: One thing you’ve mentioned that’s very important, and something Medellín is known for, is the collaboration between the private and public sectors. In many other places, without naming names, it’s an endless war. But in Medellín it has always felt like it’s everybody. That’s why Medellín has always had the Metro and continues to have major projects here, because the private sector has a strong sense of civic ownership. People talk about the GEA, but from a foreign perspective, what I’ve seen is that companies like Grupo Argos, SURA, Bancolombia, and more recently Nutresa, and many smaller ones that aren’t international names, have a sense of belonging and work hand in hand with the government. Speaking of that, for example, Mayor Federico Gutiérrez has traveled to the United States and other places to maintain those good relationships, despite what may be happening in Bogotá or at the Casa de Nariño. What is the importance of the efforts made by the metropolitan government and the city government of Medellín, not only at the ACI level, but also at the level of Alpujarra? How important is this in maintaining a long-term course so that foreign investors continue to see Medellín as a destination, no matter how much may be happening 400 kilometers away?
“We went from USD 150 million generated last year to more than USD 400 million this year… reflected in the creation of more than 11,500 formal, high-quality jobs.” — Cristina Zambrano Restrepo
Cristina Zambrano Restrepo: I think what you’re pointing out is fundamental, and it’s specifically how we’ve achieved this model in Medellín. In a way, when we go out into the world and explain how we work hand in hand, as you said, there are cities and countries that react like, “Why do we need to sit at the same table? I’m very clear about my purpose, and you’re very clear about yours.” Here, the real history of what this city lived through 40 years ago made all of us sit at the same table, and we realized that the efforts of the three actors are always aligned toward the same goals. What always matters to us is citizens’ well-being, quality of life, economic and social development, many things. So when we were going through our hardest moments, we managed to set aside egos, agendas, and competing visions. We sat down, we talked, and we’ve continued to work under that model ever since.
As for what’s happening and what lies ahead in the future: clearly, having a political leader like Federico Gutiérrez, with those strategies and international connections, matters greatly. Countries trust leaders who have demonstrated stability and very clear commitments throughout their governing trajectory, and that’s what our mayor has done. Because of that, they continue to seek us out as a region and want to work with us as a region. As we were just discussing, the investment world is very accustomed to government cycles, more than people might think. They know how to manage political and public-sector issues and how to make bold bets at certain moments. We work on this, and together with the mayor we focus on those countries where we need them to keep believing in us and trusting us. The United States is Colombia’s partner par excellence, that is not going to change. It is the largest market in the world. So the mayor’s strategy of being very close to that government, of working with a binational chamber like AmCham Colombia, which always helps us continue attracting investment and fostering exchanges, is exactly how we work hand in hand.
Finance Colombia: Well, you’ve been very generous with your time. Just two more questions. One is that in the United States, we have a saying: “Nothing happens before the elections.” That big companies are always waiting to see what’s going to happen, what’s going to unfold. Is it the same here in Colombia? I know in Colombia, even more than in the U.S., there’s a law—well, speaking of public contracting, where nothing can really happen. But aside from that, not talking about selling food to a school or something like that—do investors or multinational companies see this as a challenge? Are they ready to sign contracts, or are they waiting to see what happens?
Cristina Zambrano Restrepo: Of course, without a doubt it’s a challenge. And it’s not a minor one. It’s a challenge that forces us to work even harder to demonstrate, from the regional level, just how stable we can continue to be so that investment keeps coming. There are many companies that make their decisions regardless of the electoral period we’re in, largely because, as I mentioned, they know how to manage political risk. But there are certainly many others that are on pause, waiting to see what happens in the upcoming elections. So yes, in that sense, it does present significant challenges. Even so, we are still projecting USD 400 million for next year despite the elections, and we continue to work toward and commit to that goal. And regarding what you mentioned about contracting, specifically public-sector contracting; a city cannot come to a halt just because there is a law on guarantees, right? All of that is already anticipated. Contracts need to be signed and put in motion ahead of time. Everyone here knows how to operate during a six-month guarantees-law period, so everything has to keep moving and functioning.
Finance Colombia: The last question, I’ve known ACI, even from before I was living in Colombia. I’ve now been in Colombia for 12 years, and I’ve known Juan since I was living in Miami. They were always calling me, saying, “Look, come see what we have in Medellín. Come, let us show you something beautiful we have, or an investment opportunity here.” And that was truly a big part of why, when I was living in Bogotá, I decided to move to Medellín. It was exactly like that, maybe not as a major investor, but that attitude, that paisa pride.
Cristina Zambrano Restrepo: Paisa pride, yes, I was just going to say.
Finance Colombia: Exactly, exactly. Like my wife, who’s paisa, when we’re abroad and someone asks her, “Are you Colombian?” she says, “I’m paisa.”
Cristina Zambrano Restrepo: More than Colombian, I’m paisa.
Finance Colombia: What is the “secret hogao” of ACI Medellín? Because regardless of the government in power, regardless of what happens under your leadership, and even looking at the long term, what is the secret sauce behind the success ACI has had as an investment promotion agency? You have a strong global reputation in the FDI space, Foreign Direct Investment. You, as director, as someone who knows how the internal plumbing works, what is the key to the success ACI has achieved?
Cristina Zambrano Restrepo: Well, I think without a doubt it’s our long-term planning. It’s a vision we have for the city, a vision for the territory—a clearly defined commitment. Every time we come in, there’s no need to reinvent things; we need to keep working on what already works. We have a technical team, and this is something I really want to highlight: this is a highly technical organization. While it does, of course, depend on electoral and government cycles, it has a well-trained staff that has been working in these areas for many years, and thanks to them we’ve been able to maintain the stability this institution has. So I would emphasize that, in addition to what you mentioned about paisa pride—which is an identity that characterizes all of us from Medellín. We truly like to see our city doing well; we fight for it, we defend it, we work for it. That paisa pride ensures that everyone who passes through this institution clearly understands the vision and works toward it, regardless of how long they remain here.
Finance Colombia: Yes, it’s true—you have a world-class team, so I know they make your job much easier. Thank you very much for your time; it’s always an honor to see you and to speak with you, and know you can always count on Finance Colombia for anything.
Cristina Zambrano Restrepo: Thank you as well, truly, for being here and for always supporting ACI Medellín. Indeed, you and Finance Colombia have been great partners for us in continuing to share and convey all the news that’s happening.
Finance Colombia: We will, thank you.
A total of 3,231 candidates will compete for seats in Colombia’s congress in the legislative elections scheduled for March 8, according to the Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil (RNEC), the authority responsible for organizing the country’s electoral processes. In total, 102 senators and 182 members of the House of Representatives will be elected.
According to the electoral authority, 1,124 candidates registered for the Senate and 2,107 for the House of Representatives, the two chambers that make up Colombia’s congress.
As the political analysis website Razón Pública explains, Colombia’s electoral system is based on proportional representation, which seeks to reflect the diversity of political opinions within society in the composition of Congress. For the Senate, or upper chamber, voters may cast their ballots for candidates anywhere in the country, as it operates under a national constituency. In contrast, the House of Representatives, or lower chamber, is elected through territorial constituencies by departments, including Bogotá as the Capital District.
According to the RNEC, 41,287,084 citizens are eligible to vote in the upcoming elections, a key figure because it influences how seats are allocated.
In this election, 102 senators will be chosen by popular vote. According to the Senate’s official website, 100 will be elected through a nationwide constituency and the remaining two seats are reserved for indigenous communities, a special constituency established by the 1991 Constitution to guarantee political representation for these groups.
Voters must choose between receiving the national ballot or the Indigenous constituency ballot, but they cannot vote in both.
For the House of Representatives, 182 members will be elected, distributed as follows:
Unlike the Senate, each department receives a specific number of seats based on its population, creating regional electoral dynamics in which local political leadership often plays a key role. In practice, more populous departments hold greater representation than smaller ones.
Both the Senate and the House of Representatives receive one additional seat after the presidential election, allocated to the candidate who obtains the second-highest number of votes.
Colombia’s electoral system is regulated by the Acto Legislativo 001 of 2003 and the Electoral Law, and operates under principles of proportional representation.
First, the valid votes obtained by each party list are counted. Only those lists that surpass a 3% threshold of total valid votes are eligible to participate in the distribution of seats. In the 2022 legislative elections, this threshold exceeded 509,000 votes.
According to projections by the Misión de Observación Electoral (MOE), the threshold for the Senate in the upcoming elections could reach around 600,000 votes.
This threshold is crucial because if, for example, a candidate obtains 450,000 votes but their party fails to pass the threshold, neither the candidate nor the party will secure a seat in Congress.
Among the lists that surpass the threshold, seats are distributed using the D’Hondt method, known in Colombia as the cifra repartidora, which allocates seats proportionally according to the number of votes obtained. In 2022, the seat-allocation quotient was 144,013 votes.
For the House of Representatives, the process is more complex because the threshold and D’Hondt method are applied separately within each department, producing different results across regions.
With closed lists, voters select only the political party or list as a whole, without choosing an individual candidate.
Under the Acto Legislativo 1 of 2003, political parties may register open lists or closed lists. With open lists, voters select a specific candidate within a party’s list. The vote counts both for the political party and for the individual candidate. Seats obtained by the party are then assigned to the candidates who received the highest number of votes, regardless of their initial position on the list.
With closed lists, voters select only the political party or list as a whole, without choosing an individual candidate. Seats are then allocated according to the order predetermined and registered at the start of the campaign by the party.
In the upcoming elections, two of Colombia’s most prominent political forces will present closed lists: the Pacto Histórico, the coalition led by current President Gustavo Petro, and the Centro Democrático, the right-wing party founded by former President Álvaro Uribe Vélez.
Photo courtesy of the National Civil Registry of Colombia,
Freight forwarders and logistics companies serving the Americas no longer think of the region’s air network as a peripheral add-on to ocean freight. Latin American airports now handle everything from export flowers and pharmaceuticals to e-commerce parcels on overnight schedules. With volumes showing a steady growth path—and with governments racing to upgrade runways, cold-chain rooms, and free-trade zones—these gateways are transforming how independent forwarders plan routings, price capacity, and promise lead-times to customers.
The Latin American air freight market, valued at $1.04 billion USD in 2025, is projected to experience sustained growth, driven by expanding e-commerce, increasing cross-border trade, including inter-Latin American trade. Key growth drivers include the rising demand for more reliable and quick turnaround delivery services, particularly for perishable goods and high-value products.
Global air cargo demand rose by 3.4% in 2025 compared with the previous year, according to data released by the International Air Transport Association (IATA).
At the same time, total capacity, measured in available cargo ton-kilometers (ACTK), increased by 3.7% year on year. For international operations, demand rose by 4.2%, while capacity increased by 5.1%.
The Latin American air freight industry has been defined by a moderate level of concentration, with a few large global players dominating but now also including several significant regional carriers. While FedEx, UPS, and DHL hold substantial market share, particularly in international freight, regional players like LATAM Cargo, Avianca Cargo (Tampa Air), and Aeromexico maintain strong positions in domestic and regional routes.
Other leading players in the Latin American airfreight industry include IAG Cargo (UK), Copa Airlines (Panama), American Airlines, Delta Airlines, Azul Cargo Express (Brazil) and Emirates Skycargo.
Nicholas Sutherland’s opinions and claims are his own, and not necessarily those of Finance Colombia.
Electronics, jewelry, auto parts, specialized machine parts, and high-value textiles are also driving increased traffic.
For years, Latin America has been spoken of primarily as a supplier, a hub for perishables, electronics, and auto parts feeding the U.S. and Europe. Fast forward to 2025 and something is unmistakably clear: the region is no longer merely sourcing for the world. It is becoming one of the most strategically viable air cargo growth engines, driven by nearshoring, rising consumer markets, and accelerated infrastructure investment.
Since 2023 the Felipe Ángeles International Airport, also within the Greater Metropolitan Area of Mexico City, has now surpassed the Benito Juarez airport for air cargo with 2025 figures showing 413,224 metric tons in air cargo traffic.
The International Airport of Mexico City, known officially as Benito Juárez International Airport, stands out as the largest airport in the country and is now the second busiest air cargo hub in Mexico and number three in the LATAM region. The figures underline the importance of this hub. In January 2022, the air terminal managed a total of 41,650 tons. In 2023, this number rose to 47,206.8 tons, reflecting an important increase of 5,556.8 tons. It is important to mention that this airport also acts as a center of operations and connections (HUB) for the Mexican airline Aeroméxico, further strengthening its strategic position in the airport and logistics scenario in the region.
The International Airport of Cancun (CUN), located in the Mexican Caribbean, is a major hub in cargo handling in Latin America. With leading-edge facilities and advanced systems for the processing of goods, the airport handles a diversity of products, including consumer goods, textiles, electronic parts and pharmaceutical products. Its strategic location makes it crucial for trade routes between North America, Latin America and Europe and it has undergone constant growth in its volume of cargo.
El Dorado International Airport is in Colombia’s capital city, Bogotá, and stands out as the third most important airport in Latin America in terms of freight volume. It registered a 2024 throughput of 809,00 tons, with flowers, perishables and pharma being the main categories.
Colombia has consolidated its position as a world leader in the export of a wide range of products, including products derived from agriculture, foodstuffs and chemical products. The airport has also been consolidated as the center of strategic operations (HUB) for international airline, Avianca.
Two 3,800 m runways at 8,360 ft elevation make BOG a purpose-built wide-body freighter hub. Cargo airlines position here to bridge east-west schedules across the Caribbean, giving forwarders same-night connections into MIA, AMS, and DOH.
Tocumen International Airport (PTY), Panamá City handled 216,653 tons in 2024 (a 4% increase over 2023). PTY sits astride the Colón Free Zone and the Panamá Canal rail link; a third runway is budgeted for development in 2027 to future-proof capacity.
A new development project called “Tocumen Cargo City”, with an area of 124 hectares, which includes the concession for the development of the cargo terminal and logistics zone, was announced in 2024. This project will take advantage of Tocumen’s competitive advantages as the region’s main air hub that connects daily more than 80 commercial destinations, and more than 50 air cargo destinations integrating a multimodal axis with the country’s maritime and land transport operations,
Jorge Chávez International Airport is in the region of Callao, outside of the metropolitan area of Lima (Peru). It stands out as the center of operations and connections for LATAM Airlines.
In 2023 the airport handled 230,993 tons of air freight. The largest quantities of air export products were fresh asparagus, blueberries, salmon and other seafood. In 2024, the airport also added another runway and a new passenger terminal with an adjoining logistics park.
São Paulo-Guarulhos International Airport (GRU) had a throughput of 235,600 tons in 2024. Air-sea multimodality is boosted by a 90-minute drive to the Port of Santos. Automotive, machinery, pharma cold-chain (largest airport cool-store in Brazil) are the highest categories of products.
Campinas Viracopos (VCP) airport, in Sao Paulo state (not the city) handles roughly one-third of Brazil’s imported air freight and was voted 2024 Cargo Airport of the Year by routesonline.com . It boasts a 90,000 m² cargo terminal with 11 dedicated cold rooms and a live-animal zone.
Governments are aware that there is now fierce rivalry to attract air cargo logistics operations and several have identified the sector as a key segment which would improve the competitiveness of their economies and stimulate economic growth and create skilled employment opportunities. Integration of air cargo, ports, incentives and free zones have become a cornerstone for attracting logistics and manufacturing companies.
Cargo airports in Latin America are writing the next chapter in hemispheric logistics. For independent freight forwarders, and other investors, these hubs are not just transit points, they are strategic pivot points to shorten lead times, diversify modal risk, and command premium margins in niche verticals. Airports are emerging as focal points in this new logistics landscape. Policy support, geography, and international partnerships are essential to attracting international operators and service providers.
Several countries have made successful initiatives to increase investment in the multimodal logistics space including the Dominican Republic, El Salvador (with a focus on increasing Maintenance Repair and Overhaul operations) Ecuador and La Aurora International Airport in Guatemala becoming a major hub, with LAATS, a Guatemalan logistics and freight company, managing all regular cargo flights there.
For countries in the Caribbean to consider becoming air cargo logistics locations, they require international operators to view them as viable long-term locations, therefore several factors need to be considered.
Cold-Chain certification is a cornerstone for diversified airfreight operations. Pharma shippers demand IATA CEIV or WHO GDP accreditation. GRU, VCP, and LIM all hold multiple certifications, allowing forwarders to move temperature-controlled cargo without auxiliary containers significant cost saving.
Customs & Free-Zone Synergy have been the defining characteristics of a country’s success. Many airports interface directly with bonded zones or inland ports. Panama’s Tocumen International Airport’s on-airport logistics park and Panama Pacifico free zone cut transfer times by 24 hours compared with off-site warehousing.
Caribbean countries must consider integration of the electronic DUCA-F, a fundamental document for the export of products originating in a Central American country to other countries in the region, within the framework of current trade agreements. It integrates and connects the customs systems of the six countries that make up the Central American region. This interconnection significantly improves customs controls, allowing for the automatic validation of declared data and real-time verification of approvals issued by the single windows and customs authorities of each country.
Airports may waive or discount landing fees for 1–2 years to attract new carriers or new routes. Sao Paulo’s Viracopos International Airport in Brazil runs an incentive program for cargo carriers as it looks to strengthen international hub’s cargo activities. The program aims to develop Viracopos as an international cargo hub, and the gateway’s operator – Aeroportos Brasil Viracopos – wants to increase the number of international flight routes and cargo frequencies. Some of these incentives include 100% exemption of landing fees for operations at the airport’s cargo terminal for the first 24 months of a carrier’s cargo operation.
Like landing fees, building rents can be discounted for air cargo carriers. For example, St. Louis International Airport offers 18 months of waived terminal building rents and landing fees for new transoceanic service and related logistics. Income tax exemptions for the first four (4) years of operation and reduced tax rates (sub 10%) for air cargo-related logistics operations are other ways to compete with nearshore rival locations. Income tax exemptions on rental for developers are essential for infrastructure development. These exemptions can be for twenty years, combined with a reduced tax rate for the following years.
Several Caribbean countries have declared intentions to compete for investment in air logistics, however very few (except for the Dominican Republic) have made it a priority with an accompanying tactical and focused execution plan. Caribbean countries who wish to position themselves as an air cargo hub need to have feasibility studies done by internationally recognized logistics companies along with a well-defined plan for what reasonable short-term and long-term success looks like. It’s also essential to have a realistic outlook of what each country can offer, rival strengths and incentives and a clear understanding of any deficiencies which may pose headwinds to their stated goals.
Bogotá, Colombia — Thousands gathered in Plaza de Bolívar after answering Colombian President Gustavo Petro’s call to mobilize against threats to Colombia’s national sovereignty from the United States.
Petro called for people to take to the streets in every public square across the country after Trump said military action in Colombia “sounds good” on Sunday, January 4,, just a day after removing Nicolás Maduro from power in neighboring Venezuela.
While Petro was expected to deliver a rousing speech against U.S. intervention, he told the crowd that he had to make his remarks less “harsh” after a conciliatory call with Trump just minutes before addressing demonstrators.
Plaza de Bolívar, located in central Bogotá near Congress and the Casa de Nariño presidential residence and office, hosted over 20,000 demonstrators and was adorned with flags and protest signs from the afternoon into the night of January 7.
“And no, no, I do not feel like being a North American colony. And yes, yes, I do feel like being a free and sovereign Colombia,” protesters chanted.
Many participants also used the demonstration to voice opposition to related issues, such as the exploitation of natural resources and the presence of foreign military bases.
“If we don’t defend our country, who will do it for us?” said one demonstrator. Other attendees stressed that the mobilization was not only about Colombia, but about Latin America as a whole.
Throughout the day, the rally featured musical performances and included the presence of labor and union representatives, public institutions, and a large portion of the presidential cabinet. The president and several ministers delivered speeches from the main stage.
President Petro presented some official data and concrete results from three years of his administration — including his fight against drug trafficking — many of them in comparison with the previous government. Among the achievements cited was the seizure of 2,800 tons of illegal substances by December 31, 2025.
“My goal was zero blows against Colombia’s peasantry, voluntary crop substitution; we are now at 30,000 hectares registered,” he explained.
Petro publicly accused the U.S. far right and Colombian politicians of having convinced Trump that he “ran cocaine factories” and was a “front man for Maduro.” “We are not enemies of any people in the world,” he stated during his speech. Petro also said he spoke with Delcy Rodríguez, Interim President of Venezuela.
The phone call was later confirmed by Trump through his Truth Social account: “It was a great Honor to speak with the President of Colombia, Gustavo Petro, who called to explain the situation of drugs and other disagreements that we had. I appreciated his call and tone, and look forward to meeting him in the near future. Arrangements are being made between Secretary of State Marco Rubio and the Foreign Minister of Colombia. This meeting will take place in the White House in Washington, D.C..”
In closing, the Colombian leader reaffirmed his stance on national sovereignty, as well as his differences with Trump over events in Venezuela — which he described as “illegal” — and other issues.
“To the mothers of Colombia, I say that the country clearly stands up for the defense of national sovereignty, because [Álvaro] Uribe is wrong. If they touch Petro, they touch Colombia. And if they touch Colombia, Colombia responds as its history has taught it—plain and simple.”
Featured image: Demonstrators at Plaza de Bolívar in central Bogotá
Author: Cristina Dorado Suaza
This article originally appeared on Latin America Reports and was re-published with permission.
The post Thousands rally in Colombia’s Plaza de Bolívar following President Petro’s call with Trump appeared first on The Bogotá Post.
"He's a nice guy," [former Apple engineer Cameron] Rogers said. "He's someone you want to hang out with. Everyone loves him because he's great. Has he made any hard decisions? No. Are there hard problems he's solved in hardware? No."Ternus and others may quibble with that assessment, however, as Ternus has been involved with a number of innovative products over the years, including spearheading the effort to develop the iPhone Air and working on the upcoming foldable iPhone.
In an era of shifting global economic alliances, few countries find themselves more strategically positioned than Colombia. Caught between the massive state-backed investment initiatives of China and the established political and economic influence of the United States, Bogotá’s policy decisions have never held higher stakes for investors, the region, or especially, the country’s own citizens.
At the 2025 Colombia Gold Summit, Finance Colombia Executive Editor Loren Moss spoke with Daniel Giraldo, a Managing Director at FTI Consulting (NYSE: FCN), a global business advisory firm specializing in cross-border investment and corporate finance. Giraldo offered his perspective on the geopolitical chessboard, examining what Colombia’s recent decision to join the Belt and Road Initiative means for its future relationship with its largest long-standing ally, the United States.
Finance Colombia: I’m here with Daniel Giraldo of FTI Consulting. So we’re here at the 2025 CGS, Colombia Gold Summit, where we also talk about other precious metals, we talk about silver, we also talk about metals like copper, molybdenum, things like that. You gave an interesting talk yesterday, I don’t want to steal your thunder. Why don’t you summarize your discussion?
Daniel Giraldo: Well, if I could summarize my lecture yesterday, I think there’s a chessboard, a giant global chessboard right now. And there are two main players: US and China. And Colombia is one key figure, a key part of this chessboard. Right now, Colombia is in a key position with lots of opportunities between Chinese investment and the US investment. However, which decisions Colombia takes right now will shift the entire game for the coming years.
Finance Colombia: So we are in the last few months of a government that has been relatively friendly or biased towards China. And hostile might be too strong of a word, but relatively cold towards the United States, talking about the Petro government. Colombia, under Petro, just signed up for the Belt and Road Initiative. What is the significance of that for Colombia, not just in its relationship with the United States, but what does that do or change for Colombia?
Daniel Giraldo: Well, what we are seeing right now is that Colombia signed formally the Belt and Road Initiative earlier this year. And there’s been a lot of tensions with the Trump government. At the same time, the US is the main investor in Colombia. And what we’re seeing is how China, through different initiatives, wants to have a bigger long-term influence in the region. And Colombia is, in a soft way, saying, “We want that for us.” However, that’s not a shift that can be made automatically. That’s not made in a single signature by one president. It takes years and years to forge a relationship. And although the government of Petro, President Petro is showing how they’re very interested in the Chinese investment, and to have a strong relationship with the Chinese government, it’s not the way, to just step out of their major alliances throughout years with the US
Finance Colombia: The way that investment is done in China is fundamentally different than the way investment is done from places like the US or Canada or many European countries. In the US, if you’re going to attract investment in Colombia, it’s going to be with some company. And that company is going to do what it wants to do within the law but not really giving a damn about what Washington says or what Washington wants or what Ottawa says or wants. Whereas in China, it’s very much a government-to-government thing. You have state-owned enterprises, and Xi Jinping or the Communist Party says, “we’re going to invest in this,” whether it’s profitable or not, for whatever kind of geopolitical reasons that they want to do things. So it’s a fundamentally different thing.
If you do a deal with a company in the US, you’re doing a deal with that company. Now, yes, you have to make sure that regulatory things go through. Trump is a little bit more of a patronage type of president where he wants to get involved with things so he can find benefit for himself or his administration. But generally speaking, even still, if we look at investors, if you’re going to bring in someone to invest in one of these mining companies here or exploration, it’s a company. In China, it’s going to be a state-backed company. Now, what does that imply, then, for the way business would be done going forward, number one? And number two, Petro’s on his way out, and maybe there will be another left-wing government to continue his project, it doesn’t look like it at this point. But do you see continuity in that affinity or that participation in the Belt and Road Initiative? Like you mentioned, it’s not a treaty, it’s more of like a memorandum of understanding, like the diplomats like to call it. But what do you foresee over the next two or three years?
Daniel Giraldo: Yeah, I believe every tactic has been launched in a very moderate way somehow. So, of course, Belt and Road is just a framework, and every project that could be contemplated by Chinese government, depending on the feasibility of each one of these projects. So they’re not basically getting married yet, they’re just dating.
They’re just on their first dates. However, we’re married to the US We’ve had a long-standing marriage, and what we are seeing right now is that how investment works for both countries is different. However, for both countries, there are more and more, basically, things they require to be approved.
So in order to achieve this, the US is not being indirect about it. They require trusted partners. They require trusted allies, which get what’s at stake right now. So, Petro’s government has one year left. We are expecting a shift. However, even if Colombia gets a left-wing government or a right-wing government, it doesn’t change the fact that investment in the latest years has been in a rough place.
So Colombia requires this investment, and the country requires a very stable policy framework, regulatory framework, legal framework, in order to get investors feeling safer, with more appeal. And, yes, of course, it’s not the same as an SOE (State Owned Enterprise) Chinese company that wants to invest, that needs the approval of Beijing and all this. In contrast, we have the US. Of course, Washington can say whatever they want. They can say Petro is now on the Clinton list, and they can sanction him personally. But a company, a US company, can still invest here; it changes how they see Colombia in the long run.
Finance Colombia: I think one of the things that is very notable is that the Trump government sanctioned Petro, his son, his wife, and his interior minister personally, rather than imposing sanctions on the country or doing, like, I don’t know, tariff things. Actually, by the time we publish the video, we might know what happens, but right before the Supreme Court right now, actually as we speak, there is a challenge to Trump’s ability to circumvent congressional law. And so if we have a trade pact, like free trade agreement or something like that, a lot of businesses in the US have challenged Trump’s ability to just… you can’t just cancel a law. Congress passed a law, and it’s in effect, and you can’t just cancel it. Well, that’s what they’re arguing. And all of these kind of unilateral, discretionary tariff moves that affect entire economies and entire industries, there’s some uncertainty that is going to be settled there.
“However, we’re married to the US We’ve had a long-standing marriage, and what we are seeing right now is that how investment works for both countries is different.” – Daniel Giraldo
But it’s interesting because it seems that with them sanctioning Petro and Benedetti directly as individuals, they’re saying that they want to maintain some predictability and constancy in the bilateral economic relationship with Colombia. And I think that there have been a lot of missions. Fico, the mayor here in Medellin, some of the other mayors and Colombian congressional people have visited Washington and met with senators and met with people in the State Department and said, “Look, you know, we disagree with what the president’s doing. Wait a few months.” And it seems like Washington has heard that and is not acting too rashly towards Colombia as a country but rather decided to take their ire out directly on the president and his consigliere Armando Benedetti.
Daniel Giraldo: What I believe of this is that Trump’s government can say like, “We’re not afraid. We are not afraid of imposing sanctions. We’re not afraid of not conducting business in the way we used to do it anymore.” And it’s been shown, for example, in the relationship with China, for example, with the Chinese government, with Xi Jinping. And there’s been like an escalation of tariffs, for example, I think up to 130%. I can’t remember the exact number. And then last week they say, “let’s stop this. Let’s trade the sequels.” And it’s also their way of showing the carrot and then showing the mace or bat, this metaphor.
Finance Colombia: Yeah, the stick.
Daniel Giraldo: And with Colombia, I believe it is the same. It’s like we could, if we wanted, to give some sanctions and they will have great consequences in terms of our bilateral trade. However, they’re aware of their position. They’re our main investor. We have a very good relationship in bilateral trade. There’s been years and there’s been decades of both countries benefiting from each other. We have a great position in one of the closest countries to enter South America. And they know this government is just ending. So why would they give us, like give the left-wing parties an opportunity to just bash them and say, “Oh, Trump’s government can’t be trusted.” Whereas if you take another position and say, “Look, this is personal, this is just these individuals, not the whole country.” You still have ground to negotiate, to renegotiate, to benefit. So I believe it is quite tactical.
Finance Colombia: Another thing that you mentioned is the difference on the ground. When you look at, for example, if we talk about the mining sector, not just on the ground, but literally in the ground, the US right now, the Trump administration, and really just the US more broadly, is very concerned about rare earths. And Colombia, even though there’s not yet a lot of mining activity, Colombia does have rare earth potential. There’s already been illegal coltan, cobalt ore mining taking place down in the Amazon, things like that. But it would seem that further damaging relationships with Colombia right now would contravene the political strategy in the US to strengthen its rare earth mineral supply chain.
Daniel Giraldo: Yes, it is completely true. The US has shown how important it is for them to be less dependent on the supply chains of the Chinese government, specifically in terms of their rare earths and critical minerals refining processes. So the US has been in recent weeks signing lots of memorandums of understanding and bilateral agreements with Australia, with Japan, with Malaysia, with Thailand. And they already have very good deals with Argentina, with the Mineral Security Partnership, for example, Mexico, Peru, Argentina. And the Dominican Republic. And Colombia could be in the radar as well. And what Colombia requires to be here and to benefit with the US as well is just to be patient, to get the best and the highest standards of ESG, and to reassure the different governments that it is safe to trade minerals with Colombia. That if they purchase Colombian minerals, they explore the region and they trade with us, they will find quality, they will find high standards of minerals, without assuming lots of risks that these markets don’t want to assess anymore.
Finance Colombia: So longer term, looking out three to five years, are you optimistic or pessimistic about the bilateral relationship between the US and Colombia?
Daniel Giraldo: I feel optimistic, not only because it’s the most comfortable answer, but I do feel optimistic because I believe there is a lot of potential. And right now, the sector is not in its best place. But I believe that sometimes you just have to grit your teeth, take the punch, and then stand up again and do everything that’s in your power to just become better. And Colombia has a history of learning, and the sector will learn as well how to be more competent, how to attract investors, and how to get to the highest standard and quality of their bilateral trade with different countries.
Finance Colombia: Great. Well, Daniel Giraldo from FTI Consulting, you guys are one of the leading strategic consulting firms globally, especially when you look at things like cross-border investment. That seems to be your strong suit, even though you guys are a large firm and you guys do a lot of different things. Always great to see your presence here at CGS, at Colombia Gold Summit. And thanks for your insights.
Daniel Giraldo: It’s a pleasure, thanks for having me.
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