Medellín, Colombia – Prominent female journalists, writers, academics and columnists in Colombia have drafted and signed a declaration titled ‘No to the pact of silence’ in response to former president Andrés Pastrana’s appearance in the Jeffrey Epstein files.
Andrés Pastrana (1998-2002) was mentioned 57 times in files linked to Epstein, who was convicted for sexual trafficking and exploitation of minors before his death in 2019. The ex-president appeared in the batch of documents released last November by the U.S. Justice Department.
The declaration called on Pastrana to issue a statement as a matter of public interest, posed 20 questions to the ex-president, and demanded urgent measures to protect women and girls in Colombia.
The Epstein files have caused scandal across the world, implicating some of the world’s richest and most powerful people, including names like Bill Clinton and Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor.
Epstein and his partner, Ghislaine Maxwell, were both convicted for their involvement in the sex trafficking network. Epstein was found dead in 2019 in his prison cell in New York and Maxwell has been in prison since 2022.
In Colombia, the release last November of 3 million additional files linked to investigations into Epstein revealed connections between Pastrana and the late billionaire.
These included: a photo of Pastrana and Maxwell wearing Colombian Air Force uniforms at a military base; compromising emails with Maxwell; testimonies in which Maxwell said the two were friends and that she flew a Black Hawk helicopter in Colombia; and an alleged flight on a private plane with Epstein and disgraced modelling agent Jean Luc Brunel, who was accused of procuring minors for the late financier.
The ‘No to the pact of silence’ declaration was conceived mostly by female journalists while they were investigating Pastrana’s involvement in the files.
The statement was published on February 24, signed by 35 women, but has since been opened up to include other women through one-to-one invitations.
“The crimes committed by Epstein and Maxwell, and their extensive network of accomplices among the world’s social, political, financial, and intellectual elites, must be subject to exposure, investigation, thorough analysis, and, if applicable sanctions,” the declaration stated.
Colombian journalist Ana Cristina Restrepo, one of the creators and signatories of the declaration, spoke to The Bogotá Post about the reasons behind it.
“It is of public interest in several aspects. First, because he is a person who was elected by popular vote. He was a President of the Republic, and with greater responsibility comes greater scrutiny from citizens,” said Restrepo.
Currently, the declaration has 171 signatures that meet three requirements: to be a woman, to be a feminist, and to have a public voice. Signatures must also be made in individual names, not on behalf of collectives.
While there were men that showed support and wanted to sign the statement, Restrepo explained that only women were allowed: “Many thanks, but they – men – can write their own declaration. Why didn’t they think of it before?” “It has a symbolic power that we are all women,” she added.
The statement also took aim at the wider issue of sexual violence in Colombia. It highlighted that more than 50 minors are abused per day, according to the Institute of Legal Medicine in 2025. Also, in the last five years more than 100,000 girls and adolescents were victims of sexual abuse, according to the Colombian Family Welfare Institute (ICBF).
“Women’s human rights and the primacy of girls’ rights are historic achievements: protecting them is a mandatory duty. We demand that the silence surrounding the mentions of Andrés Pastrana in the Epstein files be broken,” the declaration stated.
Restrepo said that the pact of silence their statement seeks to redress is “one arm of something bigger”: a patriarchal pact that has existed for centuries.
“It is a tacit pact among men who hold power and belong to the elites to protect one another in the different things they do – not only sexual crimes, but also, let’s say, economic matters,and issues in society. They cover for each other,” she explained.
In addition to calling for an end to the pact of silence, the declaration posed 20 questions to Pastrana. These were drafted based on the Epstein files, but also with other evidence, following a methodological journalistic investigation by Restrepo, Diana Salinas and the Cuestión Pública team, Daniel Coronell and Ana Bejarano.
“Everything is based on published and known facts, not on assumptions,” Restrepo explained.
Each question has a lengthy preamble that contains corroborated evidence including pictures, email threads, timelines, interviews, and testimonies. All questions have to do with Pastrana’s relationship with Epstein and Maxwell, their meetings, mentions in the list, contradictions in his statements and related matters.
“Asking questions is not incrimination,” she said. “We are saying: If he has nothing to hide, then answer.”
Since the declaration was released, many prominent figures have come to Pastrana’s defense.
Following its publication, Pastrana’s former ministers and others who were part of his administration issued a statement of solidarity with the ex-president: “We know Andrés Pastrana and we worked with him as part of his administration… He is a good man of strong values, respectful of his family and human dignity. His character and his track record do not correspond to being involved in infamous conduct,” the statement said.
The signatories have also faced verbal attacks since the declaration was published, including from public figures. One of the primary sources of the abuse has been the former president’s brother, Juan Carlos Pastrana, with Restrepo saying, “he has been one of the most violent.”
For Restrepo, this reaction highlights the very problem the declaration seeks to redress – that powerful men protect their own.
She also noted that the so-called ‘pact of silence’ extends far beyond Colombia.
“The U.S. Department of Justice releases the Epstein files. In other words, they already knew this information and had it stored… There are files from 2003; there are files that are more than 20 years old,” said Restrepo.
“How do you manage to keep information about a network involved in trafficking and sexual exploitation of minors for more than 20 years if not through a pact of silence? So it is a pact of silence that exists not only in Colombia, but also among elites around the world,” she concluded.
Featured image description: Split image of former President Andres Pastrana and the initial declaration signed by 35 women.
Featured image credit: @AndresPastrana_ via X.
The post Top female journalists demand answers over Colombia ex-president’s Epstein links appeared first on The Bogotá Post.
President Gustavo Petro accused Ecuador on Monday of carrying out bombing raids inside Colombian territory, sharply escalating a diplomatic and trade dispute that has been simmering since January.
Petro said “27 charred bodies” have been found near the border and suggested the attacks could not have been carried out by illegal armed groups, though he presented no evidence to support the claim.
“Ecuador is bombing us, and these are not illegal armed groups,” Petro said during a televised cabinet meeting, warning of a serious breach of sovereignty.
Ecuador’s President Daniel Noboa swiftly rejected the accusation.
“President Petro, your statements are false; we are acting within our own territory,” Noboa said, adding that Ecuadorian forces were targeting “narco-terrorist structures” operating near the border.
Petro said a bomb believed to have been dropped from an aircraft had been discovered near the frontier, reinforcing what he described as a pattern of cross-border strikes.
“A bomb has appeared, dropped from a plane… very close to the border with Ecuador,” Petro said. “We must investigate thoroughly, but this supports my suspicion that Ecuador is bombing us.”
He added that “many explosions” had been reported and said his government would soon release an audio recording allegedly originating from Ecuador.
In a post on social media platform X, Petro said the bombings did not appear to come from Colombian armed forces or illegal groups, which he argued lack the capability to carry out aerial attacks. “The explanation (from Ecuador) is not credible,” he wrote, without specifying when or where the deaths occurred.
Ecuador doubles down
Noboa, facing a surge in organized crime violence at home, has adopted an aggressive military strategy that includes aerial bombardments of suspected cartel camps near the Colombian border.
His government says the operations are conducted strictly within Ecuadorian territory and are often aimed at groups with Colombian origins, including FARC dissidents. “Together with international cooperation, we continue this fight, bombing locations used as hideouts by these groups, many of them Colombian,” Noboa said in a statement.
He also accused Colombia of failing to control its side of the border, allowing criminal organizations to spill into Ecuador.
The latest confrontation comes against the backdrop of a worsening trade dispute that began in January when Ecuador imposed a 30% “security tariff” on Colombian imports, citing Bogotá’s alleged inaction against narcotrafficking.
The tariff was later increased to 50%.
Colombia retaliated with tariffs on 73 products, suspended electricity exports to Ecuador, and imposed restrictions on bilateral trade, deepening tensions between the neighboring countries.
Ecuador responded by raising fees on the transport of Colombian crude through one of its main pipelines.
Despite early attempts to contain the fallout, relations have steadily deteriorated, culminating in the current exchange of accusations.
Risk of escalation
Petro’s latest claims mark the most serious rupture yet, raising the specter of a cross-border military incident between the two countries, which share a long and porous frontier plagued by drug trafficking and illegal mining.
The Colombian president said he had appealed to Donald Trump to intervene diplomatically.“I asked him to act and call the president of Ecuador because we do not want to go to war,” he said.
The involvement of the United States adds another layer of complexity. Ecuador recently deepened security cooperation with Washington, including the establishment of a new FBI office and joint operations targeting organized crime. Earlier this month, Ecuadorian and U.S. forces conducted strikes on a camp linked to the Comandos de la Frontera, a dissident faction of the FARC guerrilla.
The Colombia–Ecuador border has long been a strategic corridor for cocaine trafficking, with armed groups exploiting weak state presence on both sides. While the border itself is not disputed, diverging security strategies have increasingly brought Bogotá and Quito into conflict.
Petro’s government has prioritized negotiations with armed groups under its “Total Peace” policy, while Noboa has pursued a hardline military crackdown.
For now, the allegations from Casa de Nariño remain unverified, but the political damage is done – and one further miscalculation could carry deep consequences far beyond the shared border.
Colombia’s migration authority Migración Colombia denied entry last week to 10 foreign nationals suspected of seeking sex tourism, marking the largest single-day refusal of its kind at Medellín’s main international gateway, officials said.
The individuals — nine from the United States and one from Anguilla — were stopped at José María Córdova International Airport on March 11 after migration officers concluded their travel did not correspond to legitimate tourism.
Authorities said the group arrived on a flight from Miami with a stopover in Panama and voluntarily allowed inspections of their luggage. Officials reported finding sex toys and large quantities of condoms which, along with interview responses, raised suspicions about the purpose of their visit.
In a separate case the same day, the Anguillan national, arriving from the Dominican Republic, told officials he intended to “select women to have sexual relations” in his home country, prompting his immediate inadmission.
The measures form part of a broader government effort to curb human trafficking and sexual exploitation, following directives issued by President Gustavo Petro to strengthen migration controls.
“This is about protecting local communities and preventing Colombia from being used as a destination for illicit activities,” said Gloria Esperanza Arriero, director of Migración Colombia, praising officers in the Antioquia–Chocó regional unit for their rigorous enforcement.
The agency said the refusals were applied as a preventive measure under existing migration law, which grants authorities discretion to deny entry to foreigners who fail to meet requirements or pose risks to public safety or human rights.
The latest cases bring to 26 the number of foreign nationals denied entry in 2026 at the Rionegro airport for suspected links to sexual exploitation. In 2025, authorities recorded 110 such inadmissions nationwide, with roughly 80 occurring at the same terminal, the principal international gateway to Medellín.
Officials say the figures underscore the airport’s strategic importance in detecting early attempts to enter the country for illicit purposes, particularly in a city whose nightlife districts have drawn increasing international scrutiny in recent years.
Migration enforcement has also expanded beyond airports. Authorities reported recent operations in Medellín targeting suspected criminal networks linked to sexual exploitation, drug trafficking and theft in nightlife areas such as Parque Lleras.
In one case, two foreign nationals with criminal records in Venezuela were located in the El Poblado district. One of them, a Venezuelan woman known as “Kata,” had been sentenced to nine years in prison for human trafficking by a court in Caracas. She was expelled after officials confirmed the ruling through Venezuela’s consulate.
Investigators said she had operated in Colombia using falsified documents and was allegedly involved in prostitution networks and drug distribution in Medellín’s nightlife zones, highlighting the challenges authorities face in monitoring transnational criminal activity.
A second suspect, identified as “Gokú,” a dual Colombian-Venezuelan national, was wanted in Venezuela for charges including aggravated robbery, homicide and illegal possession of firearms. Authorities said he posed as a tourist while facilitating theft operations tied to criminal groups.
Separately, migration officials in Bogotá located a French national subject to an Interpol red notice in a hotel near the U.S. Embassy district. The individual was wanted for child abduction and document falsification and was handed over to the relevant authorities following verification of the international warrant.
Migración Colombia said the case was one of nearly 40 alerts recorded so far in 2026 across multiple regions, including Bogotá, Boyacá, Caquetá, Huila and Tolima, involving migration violations and international judicial requests.
The agency added that these operations have led to arrests and more than ten expulsions of foreign nationals this year, underscoring an intensification of enforcement efforts across the country.
In a separate incident underscoring authorities’ concerns, Colombian police arrested a 46-year-old U.S. citizen in Medellín after he was found with a 14-year-old girl in a short-term rental apartment in the El Poblado area, according to local media reports.
The case was triggered by an anonymous tip to the emergency line, prompting officers from the police child protection unit to respond. Authorities said the minor, still in her school uniform, told investigators the man had contacted her through social media to solicit sexual services.
The suspect was detained and faces charges related to the commercial sexual exploitation of a minor under 18, police said. Authorities did not immediately release further details on his identity or legal status.
Officials say the inadmissions at Rionegro reflect a broader trend seen in 2025, when most of the 110 foreigners denied entry over suspected sex tourism were U.S. nationals, reinforcing concerns about the international dimension of the issue.
Authorities say they will continue strengthening coordination with international bodies to prevent Colombia from being used as a destination for sexual exploitation or as a refuge for individuals attempting to evade justice.
Fitch Ratings has revised the national long-term rating outlook for Colombian payroll (libranzas) lender Ban100 to Positive from Stable. The ratings agency also affirmed the bank’s long- and short-term national scale ratings at ‘AA-(col)’ and ‘F1+(col)’, respectively.
The revision reflects a sustained improvement in operating profitability and asset quality metrics. According to the ratings agency, the move is supported by a business model focused on payroll loan (libranza) products, specifically targeting the pensioner segment in Colombia.
As of the close of 2025, Ban100 reported a non-performing loan (NPL) ratio (over 30 days) of 1.8%, a decrease from the 2.4% recorded in 2024. This figure remains below the financial system average of 3.8%. Fitch attributed this performance to the bank’s niche specialization and controlled operational structure across more than 1,000 municipalities.
Financial data indicates that the bank’s operating profit to risk-weighted assets ratio rose to 2.12% at the end of 2025, representing a 3.8-fold increase compared to 2024. The recovery in profitability was driven by lower provision requirements, higher debt recoveries, and efficient management of administrative expenses.
The bank’s balance sheet showed total assets of $2.8 trillion COP at the end of 2025. Funding remains diversified, with deposits reaching $2.3 trillion COP and securitization operations totaling $390,000 million COP during the same period. Total loan disbursements for the year exceeded $1.096 trillion COP.
Héctor Chaves, president of Ban100, stated that the outlook upgrade confirms the discipline of the bank’s growth strategy during a challenging period for the Colombian financial sector. The institution continues to focus on providing formal credit access to the base of the population and retired citizens.
The ‘AA-(col)’ rating indicates a very low expectation of default risk relative to other issuers or obligations in the same country. Ban100, which has operated for 13 years, maintains its headquarters in Bogotá and provides savings and investment products alongside its core lending business.
Photo from Linkedin account of Ban100
Dominican airline Arajet has launched a “Hot Sale Colombia” promotion, offering discounted base fares for international travel originating from major Colombian hubs. The campaign targets passengers departing from El Dorado International Airport in Bogotá, José María Córdova International Airport in Medellín, and Rafael Núñez International Airport in Cartagena.
The promotional window is scheduled to run from March 16 through March 22, 2026. During this period, the airline is offering base fares starting at $1 USD. These rates apply to international routes within the carrier’s network and are available across all four of the airline’s service tiers: Basic, Classic, Comfort, and Extra.
According to the carrier, the travel window for tickets purchased under this promotion extends from April 15, 2026, to September 30, 2026. The availability of these fares is subject to seat capacity on specific flights. The initiative follows the carrier’s broader strategy to increase its market share in the Colombian aviation sector, which is regulated by the Unidad Administrativa Especial de Aeronáutica Civil (Aerocivil) under the Ministerio de Transporte.
Arajet commenced operations in September 2022 and currently maintains its primary hubs at Las Américas International Airport in Santo Domingo and Punta Cana International Airport. The airline utilizes an all-Boeing fleet, consisting of 14 Boeing 737 MAX aircraft (NYSE: BA). The carrier’s network connects the Dominican Republic with various destinations across North America, Central America, South America, and the Caribbean. In 2023, the airline was recognized as the “Best New Airline in the World” at the CAPA Aviation Trust Summit. The airline’s operations are overseen by the Instituto Dominicano de Aviación Civil (IDAC) in its home jurisdiction. Detailed pricing and baggage policies for the current promotion are available through the company’s digital booking platform.
Aris Mining Corporation (TSX: ARIS; NYSE: ARIS) has released its financial and operating results for the fourth quarter and full year ending December 31, 2025. The company reported 2025 gold production of 256,503 ounces, a 22% increase from the 210,955 ounces produced in 2024. This output exceeded the midpoint of the company’s annual guidance of 230,000 to 275,000 ounces.
Annual gold revenue reached $909 million USD, representing an 82% increase over the previous year. Adjusted EBITDA rose to $464 million USD, up 185% from 2024, while adjusted net earnings were reported at $241 million USD, or $1.28 USD per share. As of year-end 2025, the company’s cash balance stood at $392 million USD, with net debt reduced to $86 million USD from $241 million USD at the end of 2024.
The Marmato Mine produced 28,741 ounces of gold, a 23% increase over the 2024 production level.
Operations at the Segovia Operations in Colombia produced 227,762 ounces of gold in 2025, a 21% increase from 2024. This performance was supported by average gold grades of 9.82 g/t and a 17% increase in tonnes milled, following the installation of a second ball mill in June 2025. All-in sustaining costs (AISC) for owner-operated mining at Segovia were $1,534 USD per ounce, while AISC for Contract Mining Partners (CMPs) was $1,973 USD per ounce, reflecting a purchase formula linked to rising gold prices.
The Marmato Mine produced 28,741 ounces of gold, a 23% increase over the 2024 production level. The result exceeded the 2025 guidance range of 20,000 to 25,000 ounces. The company is currently advancing construction of a new carbon-in-pulp (CIP) processing facility at Marmato, with first gold production expected in the fourth quarter of 2026.
Aris Mining has set its 2026 consolidated gold production guidance between 300,000 and 350,000 ounces. Production is expected to be weighted toward the second half of the year as the Marmato CIP plant begins operations. At Segovia, production is forecast to increase to between 265,000 and 300,000 ounces.
The company also provided updates on its development portfolio:
In the fourth quarter of 2025, Aris Mining used $60 million USD in cash for the acquisition of the remaining 49% interest in the Soto Norte project. Subsequent to the year-end, the company received a $40 million USD installment deposit under its precious metals stream financing after reaching a 50% construction milestone at Marmato.
Aris Mining’s operations are subject to oversight by the Agencia Nacional de Minería (ANM) in Colombia and the Guyana Geology and Mines Commission (GGMC) in Guyana.
Frontera Energy Corporation (TSX: FEC) has entered into a definitive arrangement agreement to divest its Colombian upstream exploration and production (E&P) portfolio to Parex Resources Inc. (TSX: PXT) for a total firm value of approximately $750 million USD. The transaction follows the termination of a previous agreement with GeoPark Limited (NYSE: GPRK). Frontera opted for the Parex proposal after the Calgary-based independent producer offered $525 million USD in equity consideration, a $125 million USD increase over the prior GeoPark bid. As part of the transition, Frontera has paid a $25 million USD breakup fee to GeoPark.
The $525 million USD equity consideration includes an immediate $500 million USD cash payment upon closing and a $25 million USD contingent payment. The latter is dependent on the execution of a contractual amendment or binding agreement to extend the term of the Quifa Association Contract within 12 months.
Beyond the cash equity, Parex will assume $390 million USD in existing Frontera liabilities. This includes $310 million USD in 2028 Senior Unsecured Notes and an $80 million USD prepayment facility with Chevron Products Company, a subsidiary of Chevron Corporation (NYSE: CVX).
Following the close of the deal, Frontera intends to distribute approximately $470 million USD to its shareholders, which equates to roughly $9.18 CAD per share based on current exchange rates and outstanding share counts. This distribution is subject to shareholder approval and the successful completion of the transaction.
Frontera is retaining its exploration interests in Guyana.
Upon completion, Frontera will pivot its corporate strategy to focus exclusively on energy infrastructure. Its remaining portfolio will be anchored by two primary Colombian assets:
The company will also retain its exploration interests in Guyana. Frontera’s infrastructure division generated approximately $77 million USD in distributable cash flow in 2025. Post-transaction, Frontera expects to maintain $50 million USD in cash reserves to fund growth projects, including a potential Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) regasification project in partnership with Ecopetrol S.A. (NYSE: EC; BVC: ECOPETROL).
Orlando Cabrales, CEO of Frontera, noted that Parex is currently the largest independent operator in Colombia and a pre-existing partner in the VIM-1 block, which suggests operational continuity for the assets and employees involved.
The independent members of Frontera’s Board of Directors have unanimously recommended the deal. Major shareholders The Catalyst Capital Group Inc. and Gramercy Funds Management LLC, who collectively hold approximately 53% of Frontera’s outstanding shares, have signed support agreements to vote in favor of the arrangement.
The transaction is structured as a plan of arrangement under the Business Corporations Act of British Columbia. It requires the approval of at least two-thirds of the votes cast by Frontera shareholders at a forthcoming special meeting.
The deal is also subject to approval by the Supreme Court of British Columbia and relevant regulatory bodies in both Canada and Colombia. Parex will fund the acquisition through existing cash, credit facilities, and an underwritten financing commitment from Scotiabank (TSX: BNS; NYSE: BNS). Closing is anticipated in the second quarter of 2026.
Citi (NYSE: C) served as the financial advisor to Frontera, while BMO Nesbitt Burns Inc. provided a fairness opinion. Legal counsel was provided by Blake, Cassels & Graydon LLP and McMillan LLP.
Above photo: Frontera Energy’s Quifa field Meta Colombia. Photo credit: Frontera Energy.
Colombia kicked off its electoral year with the Senate and House elections last weekend, alongside consultas for presidential runs. Who’s come out ahead?
The Colombian elections of 2026 started last week, with the Senate and Cámara finalising their seats for the next parliament. The presidential elections will take place at the end of May, with a second round in June if necessary.
The presidential elections also had a hand in last week’s results, with consultas to decide on who would represent groups of candidates with similar politics. That saw Claudia López, Roy Barreras and Paloma Valencia take the honours in their respective consultas.
When all was said and done, the results showed that traditional parties and candidates had generally performed poorly, with new candidates doing well and a difference in the traditional balance of power.
So, a week on and with the dust having settled as final results come in from all over the country, who’s up and who’s down after the first Colombian elections of 2026?
It was a good day for the government, with the Pacto Histórico gaining seats and a low turnout for the leftist consulta. The Centro Democrático, too, had a good afternoon. Paloma won her consulta handily and the party overall also gained seats in borth houses.
The governing party had a spectacular Sunday, simply said. They increased their presence in both chambers and became the largest single party to boot. The Senate remains without a clear majority, but they are in a very strong position indeed, even without the former FARC combatientes’ curules.
On top of that, other results largely went their way. The leftist consulta that Cepeda was blocked from running in was a washout as the Pacto told their supporters to stay away. Prominent critics of the party from other parties such as Robledo, Miranda, Betancourt and Juvinao all crashed out as well.
While an overall majority in either house is far from within their grasp, the Senate now leans slightly more left than right, with left and centre-left senators adding up to 53. On top of that, after an often rocky government, it’s clear that they haven’t lost their base, indeed even expanding.
A fortnight ago, Paloma Valencia’s campaign seemed to be stuttering. She was polling in single figures for first round intentions for the presidency and making few public appearances other than the mass debates for the Gran Consulta por Colombia. There was even a worry that she might suffer an upset in that consulta.
Fast forward to today and it’s a very different picture indeed. The latest polling shows her rocketing in popularity, now standing at around 20%. That’s because she picked up over three million votes in that consulta.
Then she picked the runner up in that race as her VP ticket, a smart move on her side to try and attract voters more in the centre as well as boost her in the capital. It’s not a landslide move, but it’s canny and the presidential race will likely come down to small margins.
Technically a loser, in the sense that he was a clear second to Valencia in the Gran Consulta. However, he picked up over a million votes, paying off his mortgage and significantly outperforming expectations. He also opened the door for some new paths in his political adventure.
It had looked like his next step was to concentrate on a tilt for Bogotá mayor, having come in second last time around after another strong campaign. He then pulled a remarkable volte-face, accepting Valencia’s offer to run on her ticket.
That’s a move that puts him potentially in a different league than before, very much on the national stage now. It’s come at an enormous reputational price though, with many that voted for him feeling betrayed as he runs on a rightist ticket. He can claim that it’s centrist as much as he likes, but few see it that way.
Electorates worldwide are losing patience with technocrats and politics as usual. That’s as true in Colombia as anywhere else, with a number of influencers running and doing fairly well. This is a trend that has been open for a while and shows no sign of slowing down.
Former adult actress Amaranta Hank won a spot for the Pacto Historico, while the White Elephant took a seat for the Partido Verde, having started out as a content creator looking to expose corruption and poor spending practices.
Despite fears of electoral violence and a turbulent run-up to election day, it was a relatively calm Sunday in the end. There was an attack on a voting centre in Meta, plus another couple of issues elsewhere, but overall it was a good sign for the upcoming presidential elections.
There were plenty of losers last week, with several high-profile candidates for the presidential race crashing out in their consultas. That saw Vicky Dávila unconvincingly claiming she wasn’t a loser and Enrique Peñalosa falling at the first hurdle again among others.
Farewell, too, for some familiar faces. Ingrid Betancourt failed to make the cut for Senate, losing her seat alongside her party. Jorge Robledo, the leftmost critic of Petro did likewise. Miguel Polo Polo unsurprisingly lost his seat as an Afro-Colombian representative, replaced by a principled lawyer, which delighted many.
In general, old parties and old faces fared poorly, with incumbency working against many. A striking exception to that was the party for ex-FARC combatants, Comunes. To their surprise, but no one else’s, they failed to meet the threshold for representation.
Standing in the leftwing consulta, Roy won in the sense that he saw off the threat from controversial former Medellín mayor Daniel Quintero. However, the Pacto campaign to not vote in consultas laid his lack of support bare.
The Partido Verde managed to limit their losses in terms of seats, remaining at a similar level as before. However, there has been a significant change in who takes those curules. They had an open list, meaning that no-one was assured of a place.
Voters made it clear that they wanted to see new blood, with government critics Katherine Miranda and Cathy Juvinao voted out, along with Inti Asprilla and Angelica Lozano.
For much of the last century, the Liberales and Conservadores absolutely dominated Colombian politics. For most of this century they’ve avoided running viable presidential candidates, preferring to hold their power in the Senate, Cámara and local politics.
This time out they have taken a big hit in both houses, losing five seats between them and no longer being in the top level of voting blocs. Due to the fragmented nature of the parliament, they retain some kingmaking powers, but are a shadow of what they once were.
A big question now looms for both parties ahead of next year’s local elections. Just as the Pacto will feel they can make some big gains there, so too will the Liberales and Conservadores worry they might take more damage.
The former Bogotá mayor faced no real opposition in her consulta, sailing through with over 90% of the vote. However, that was 90% of not very much and she failed to get voters out to show support in the way that Valencia and Oviedo did. She faces an uphill slog from here.
Neither of this pair were in consultas, instead going to the second round. That’s meant they’ve been kept out of the headlines and lost momentum as well as having some unfortunate results.
The scale of the turnout for Valencia shows she’s a viable contender to Aspriella on the right and her leap in polling is matched by a significant downturn for el tigre. For Fajardo, it’s even worse: voters are largely abandoning the centre and technocratic politicians.
With the governing party repeatedly questioning the openness and fairness of the elections, this was rough. There have been a number of reports coming out questioning the practices of various voting centres and plenty of allegations, particularly from the left.
On top of that, a couple of candidates were arrested on voting day with big bags of cash that were allegedly to be used in vote-buying. While corruption in electoral processes is likely nowhere near as widespread as many claim, it’s clearly still an issue, especially in rural zones.
Other than Juan Daniel Oviedo, centrists had a bad day at the polls, especially the centre-right. While the Centro Democrático and Pacto Historico gained votes on the flanks of both right and left, parties close to the centre lost out.
Cambio Radical took a big hit, as did the conservatives, with Abelardo de la Espriella’s new Salvación Nacional party gaining three seats from literally nowhere. The partido de la U also lost a seat while Ahora! won another two seats. Poor turnout for the centrist consulta also means there seems to be little support on the presidential level.
The presidential election on May 31 is now very much the focus of attention. Iván Cepeda still leads the polls comfortably, with Paloma Valencia and Abelardo de la Aspriella splitting the rightwing vote at the moment. However, with over two months of campaigning time ahead, there is plenty of time for everything to change.
Gustavo Petro has shown little sign of intending to follow the guidelines on not campaigning, making references to Oviedo and Valencia as well as thinly-disguised references to Cepeda and so on. Expect this to continue and ever more strongly worded warnings from the registraduría to be ignored.
It’s also likely that there will be ever more rhetoric over electoral fraud, with the Pacto campaign leaning heavily into that already and working on raising awareness of the issue ahead of the voting for the first round.
There’s currently a very good chance that the presidential campaigns will get pretty ugly, with lots of negative campaigning and attack ads. There is no love lost between the candidates and plenty of bad blood on all sides. We’ll keep you up to date with things as the campaigns develop.
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The Colombian government has formally submitted a technical and scientific dossier to the European Union seeking authorization to market cacay flour as a “Novel Food.” This regulatory category governs the entry of non-traditional food products into the European market.
The submission is the first of its kind for an Amazonian product from Colombia. It follows a 2024 initiative involving the Ministry of Commerce, Industry, and Tourism and the [suspicious link removed]. The process was supported by the Sustainable Forest Territories (Territorios Forestales Sostenibles or TEFOS 3) project, a program funded by the British Embassy and the German Cooperation GIZ.
Diana Marcela Morales Rojas, the Minister of Commerce, Industry, and Tourism, stated that the application positions cacay as a strategic component of the national portfolio of high-value natural ingredients. The technical dossier was structured according to the guidelines of the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA). To meet these standards, Colombia provided evidence of safe historical consumption for at least 25 years, alongside data on nutritional profiles, safety, traceability, and sustainable production processes.
The administrative validation phase is expected to take one month, followed by a technical and scientific evaluation by EFSA that may last up to nine months. Six Colombian companies participated in the drafting of the expediente, providing technical data and validating industrial processes to demonstrate the feasibility of large-scale production under international standards.
“This step positions the cacay as a strategic ingredient within the Colombian portfolio of high-value-added natural products.” — Diana Marcela Morales Rojas, Minister of Commerce, Industry, and Tourism.
The cacay nut, native to the Amazon and Orinoquia regions, produces a seed containing up to 60% oil rich in omega-6 and omega-9. The flour, a byproduct of the oil extraction process, contains approximately 40% protein and high fiber content. Beyond its nutritional applications, the crop is integrated into agroforestry systems aimed at restoring degraded lands and promoting biodiversity.
Currently, the cacay value chain involves more than 500 peasant and indigenous families. If approved, the flour would join Colombia’s non-traditional export basket to Europe, reinforcing a bioeconomy model based on fair trade and the sustainable use of biodiversity.
Colombia has modified the rules for bringing drones and their spare parts into the country for security reasons. The measure was established through Resolution 000242 of 2025 issued by the Dirección de Impuestos y Aduanas Nacionales (DIAN) and has been in effect since January 11, 2026.
The regulation was adopted “with the objective of preventing the illegal entry of unmanned aircraft systems (UAS/drones) and mitigating the risks associated with their misuse.” According to the DIAN in a press release, the provisions aim to “strengthen national security against the possible use of these devices in criminal activities, such as indiscriminate attacks against security forces and the civilian population.”
Under the directive, drones may enter the country through two mechanisms. The first is by submitting an Advance Import Declaration (Declaración Anticipada de Importaciones, by its Spanish name), which must be filed five calendar days before travel through the Customs Services (Servicio de Aduanas) section of the official DIAN website at www.dian.gov.co. The second option is to complete DIAN Form 530 upon arrival in the country.
In both cases, travelers must present the original purchase invoice, declare the intended use of the drone, and pay the corresponding import taxes, regardless of the price already paid for the equipment in the country of purchase. In some cases, DIAN may also request an inspection of the device.
The regulation establishes that drones or their parts may only enter the country if they comply with this standard import procedure.
Another key aspect of the resolution is that drones may only enter Colombia through two authorized entry points: the port of Cartagena and El Dorado International Airport in Bogotá. If a drone is brought into the country through any other location, customs authorities may seize it.
DIAN also clarified that travelers should “refrain from bringing this type of merchandise under the traveler import modality.” If they attempt to do so, customs authorities will require the change of modality so that the device can be processed through ordinary import procedures, provided that the arrival occurred through the authorized entry points. Entry through other locations is not permitted and could result in the seizure of the merchandise.
Additionally, the resolution states that drones cannot enter the country through postal shipments or express courier services, meaning international deliveries of these devices may be subject to confiscation.
Retail companies may continue selling drones in the Colombian market, provided they comply with import procedures and pay the applicable taxes. However, these requirements may lead to delays and additional costs for final consumers.
According to the magazine Cambio Colombia, the measure responds to the growing use of drones in criminal activities. These “recreational or productive technologies have begun appearing in high-risk scenarios such as illegal surveillance, the transport of explosives, criminal intelligence operations, and even attacks against security forces.”
Defense Minister, Major General (ret.) Pedro Arnulfo Sánchez Suárez, confirmed that 162 drone attacks against security forces were recorded in the country during the past year. According to the minister, the resolution will make it possible to “know exactly who is purchasing drones and what their intended purpose and use are. This will allow us to protect the population and prevent a tool designed for progress and development from being used to kill Colombians.”
In general terms, Resolution 000242 establishes three main rules for bringing drones into Colombia:
Additionally, drones that weigh more than 250 grams or are used for professional activities must be registered with Aerocivil, Colombia’s civil aviation authority. Failure to register the device or operating it without authorization may result in fines.
Above photo: DJI drone courtesy DJI
Conservative presidential candidate Paloma Valencia has chosen economist and former statistics chief Juan Daniel Oviedo as her vice-presidential running mate, a move widely interpreted as an effort by the right-wing Centro Democrático to broaden its appeal beyond its traditional conservative base ahead of Colombia’s May 31 presidential election.
The alliance seeks to balance Valencia’s hard-line security message – closely associated with former president Álvaro Uribe Vélez – with Oviedo’s more technocratic and centrist profile, which resonates with younger, urban voters.
Announcing the ticket in the bustling commercial district of San Victorino in central Bogotá, Valencia said the decision followed consultations within the party and with Uribe himself.
“We have reached the conclusion that the best teammate is Juan Daniel Oviedo,” Valencia said. “He obtained a popular backing that excites all of us. He is connecting with many Colombians who did not feel represented.”
The announcement comes just days before the deadline to register presidential tickets with Colombia’s electoral authorities and follows Valencia’s decisive victory in the conservative primary coalition known as “La Gran Consulta,” where she secured more than three million votes. Oviedo finished second with more than one million, quickly emerging as one of the race’s unexpected political figures.
Balancinga new centre
Valencia, a staunch supporter of Uribe’s political project, has repeatedly signaled she will not distance herself from the former president’s ideological influence.
“I’m not going to distance myself from Uribe; I’m going to die a Uribe supporter,” she said in a recent interview with El País, reaffirming her commitment to the security agenda associated with the former two-term president.
Yet her choice of Oviedo indicates an attempt to broaden the coalition’s reach. The economist, who gained national prominence as director of Colombia’s national statistics agency – DANE – is widely viewed as a highly-skilled data-driven analyst with appeal among educated urban voters in their thirties and forties – many of whom supported the Colombian Peace Agreement.
That demographic has traditionally gravitated toward centrist figures such as former Bogotá mayor Claudia López or the moderate political movement associated with Sergio Fajardo.
Oviedo’s presence on the ticket could help the conservative bloc penetrate that electorate while also tempering some of the party’s more polarizing rhetoric.
Beyond Differences
The partnership did not come easily. According to campaign strategists involved in negotiations, several days of discussions were required to reconcile differences between the candidates – particularly regarding Colombia’s peace process.
The Centro Democrático has long been critical of the transitional justice system created by the 2016 accord, especially the Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP), which has been investigating war crimes committed by ex-FARC and Armed Forces during two decades of the internal conflict.
Oviedo, however, has publicly supported the peace agreement and defended the need for reconciliation. Speaking after accepting the nomination, Oviedo emphasized the importance of political dialogue despite ideological differences.
“This is about listening,” he said. “In this coalition we are capable of recognizing our differences but uniting around a fundamental purpose: looking toward the future and building a country where everyone fits.”
He also highlighted his intention to include diverse sectors of Colombian society, mentioning farmers, informal workers, women and the LGBT community.
Strategic Moves in Gran San
The announcement’s location – San Victorino’s Gran San commercial center, one of Bogotá’s busiest retail hubs- was also symbolic. The district is a bustling marketplace dominated by small traders and informal workers, a constituency both candidates say they want to court.
Valencia described the alliance as a forward-looking project for a country weary of political polarization.
“We have many pains as a nation,” she said during the event. “If we only look backward we will find wounds that still need healing. But we have another option: to look forward toward the future we deserve.”
She also praised Oviedo’s credentials, describing him as a policymaker who understands the deep structural and social challenges facing Colombia. “He likes numbers, he likes studying,” she said. “Government is not about talking nonsense about problems – it’s about understanding them deeply in order to solve them,” she said to waves of applause.
The announcement quickly triggered reactions from across Colombia’s political landscape.
Former Liberal president Ernesto Samper welcomed the decision, arguing that Oviedo’s acceptance of the vice-presidential role signaled an implicit recognition by the right-wing party of the peace process. “The acceptance of Juan Daniel Oviedo demonstrates that the Centro Democrático validates the Havana peace agreement and the continuation of the JEP,” he Samper.
With the campaign entering its decisive phase, the Valencia-Oviedo ticket represents a strategic attempt to unite two currents within Colombia’s conservative electorate: an older security-focused base loyal to Uribe and a younger urban sector seeking pragmatic solutions to the internal conflict.
Whether the combination can bridge Colombia’s ideological divide – or deepen it- will likely shape the tone of the presidential race in the weeks and moths leading to the decisive vote.
Colombia’s high-altitude Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta has become the latest flashpoint in the country’s worsening rural security crisis, after armed clashes between illegal groups left Indigenous communities trapped in the crossfire and triggered a humanitarian evacuation mission.
Authorities confirmed that at least nine wounded civilians, including two minors, were evacuated following heavy fighting between the Clan del Golfo (Gulf Clan) and paramilitary group Autodefensas Conquistadoras de la Sierra Nevada, which are battling for territorial control in the mountainous region.
The fighting first broke out in the foothills near Aracataca, department of Magdalena, and birthplace of Literature Nobel Laurate Gabriel García Márquez. According to local news sources, several indigenous Arhuaco communities reported being trapped by gunfire, and in some cases, used as human shields during the armed confrontations.
Colombia’s human rights ombudsman, the Defensoría del Pueblo, deployed a humanitarian mission to monitor the deteriorating situation and coordinate assistance with Indigenous authorities, regional officials and the armed forces.
The operation succeeded in evacuating nine injured people who had been confined in areas affected by the fighting. Among the wounded are two children, highlighting the vulnerability of civilian populations in the isolated highlands.
The mission was carried out in the Indigenous community of Gunmaku, where Arhuaco traditional authorities accompanied humanitarian teams in assessing the impact of the violence and assisting those affected.
Officials said both armed groups agreed to temporarily respect a humanitarian corridor, allowing rescue teams to reach the injured and transport them to safety.
Despite the evacuation, the Defensoría warned that the situation remains critical.
Preliminary humanitarian reports indicate the disappearance of two women, the killing of a man, and the injury of a child, while many residents remain confined in their communities due to the ongoing clashes.
“We are deeply concerned about the population in Serankua and nearby rural settlements,” stated the ombudsman’s office, referring to communities located high in the Sierra Nevada where access is extremely difficult.
The entity added that the confrontation had been anticipated in earlier early-warning alerts, but the national government failed to fully prevent the escalation.
Rescue operations have been complicated by the region’s extreme geography.
Much of the affected territory lies more than 2,800 metres above sea level, accessible only by footpaths and rugged mountain trails. Helicopter evacuations carried out by the Colombian Army involved considerable risk due to the altitude and lack of landing zones.
Magdalena governor Margarita Guerra Zúñiga confirmed that the military conducted what she described as a “humanitarian extraction” operation, transporting injured civilians to Santa Marta for treatment.
Several evacuees are receiving medical attention and are in stable condition, except for one child who required emergency surgery.
Indigenous leaders are now warning of forced displacement, similar to the humanitarian crisis last year in the mountainous Catatumbo region, Norte de Santander, close to the Venezuelan border.
Protection agencies, such as the Childrens Welfare Agency (ICBF) are calling on armed groups to respect international humanitarian law, particularly the principles of distinction and precaution, which prohibit attacks against civilians or the use of non-combatants as human shields.
Human rights monitors also called for stronger state presence in the Sierra Nevada, warning that ancestral communities remain highly vulnerable to violence and coercion from criminals.
Security analysts claim the clashes are part of a broader territorial struggle for control of drug trafficking routes that extend from La Guajira to the Uraba Gulf, as well as expanding extortion networks along Colombia’s Caribbean coast.
The Clan del Golfo, Colombia’s largest drugs cartel, has expanded operations across the Caribbean in recent years. The group is now competing for more territorial control with the Autodefensas Conquistadoras de la Sierra Nevada, also known as “Los Pachenca”.
The Sierra Nevada — a vast mountainous ecosystem rising from the Caribbean coast to snow-capped peaks — is the spiritual and ancestral home for the Arhuaco, Kogui, Wiwa and Kankuamo peoples.
Community leaders warn that the expansion of armed groups threatens not only civilian lives but also the ecological and cultural balance of the mountain range, which Indigenous “elders” – mamos – regard as the “Heart of the World”.
Humanitarian agencies have urged Colombia’s government to convene the Intersectoral Commission for Rapid Response to Early Warnings (CIPRAT) and strengthen coordination between the Interior Ministry, regional authorities and the Victims’ Unit.
While more army units are being deployed to the area, Indigenous leaders warn that unless the government of President Petro establishes a permanent security and humanitarian presence, the remote communities inside the world’s highest coastal mountain range will find themselves trapped in a conflict that engulfs not only their ancient territories, but also, one of the country’s most recognized tourism destinations.
Colombia’s presidential race entered a decisive new phase this week after Sunday’s inter-party primaries propelled conservative senator Paloma Valencia into the national spotlight and triggered a scramble among political factions to forge alliances ahead of the May 31 election.
Valencia’s commanding performance in the right-wing “La Gran Consulta” primary – where she secured roughly six million votes – has reshaped the political landscape, opening a contest within the conservative bloc while forcing candidates across the spectrum to recalibrate their strategies.
The vote effectively marks the start of Colombia’s election season, in which presidential hopefuls must broaden their appeal beyond ideological bases while navigating a fragmented political field.
For the right, the central challenge is whether it can attract moderate and centrist voters without alienating the hardline supporters who form the backbone of a political base – and party – associated with former president Álvaro Uribe.
Valencia, a senior figure in Uribe’s Democratic Center, emerged from the primaries as one of the leading conservative contenders after her vote total surpassed the turnout achieved by President Gustavo Petro and Vice President Francia Márquez in their coalition primaries ahead of the 2022 election.
For Uribe’s movement, which appeared weakened after the presidency of Iván Duque and several electoral setbacks, the result represents an unexpected demonstration of political resilience.
Yet the surge of security-focused Senator has also intensified competition from the far right.
Barranquilla-based lawyer Abelardo de la Espriella, who had previously dominated opposition to Petro, now faces a rival capable of consolidating support among traditional party structures while courting voters beyond the hard-right.
De la Espriella announced Tuesday that Ivan Duque’s former finance minister José Manuel Restrepo will join his presidential ticket as vice-presidential candidate, a move widely interpreted as an attempt to add economic credibility to a campaign largely driven by security rhetoric.
Political observers on the night of the consulations emphasized that Uribe will play a decisive role in shaping the outcome of any hard-right and center-right alliance.
The former president remains the most influential figure within Colombia’s right-wing political establishment and will act as “kingmaker” when negotiations begin over a possible understanding between Valencia and De la Espriella aimed at consolidating the anti-Petro vote.
Whether such an agreement materializes remains uncertain, as both candidates seek to position themselves as the principal challenger to the left in the first round scheduled for May 31.
Sunday’s primaries also produced a surprise showing from economist Juan Daniel Oviedo, the former head of Colombia’s national statistics agency (DANE), who secured more than one million votes and finished second in La Gran Consulta.
Oviedo has cultivated support among urban and younger voters, particularly in Bogotá, where his technocratic style and socially liberal positions have resonated with diverse constituencies, including large segments of the LGBTQ community.
Yet his unexpectedly strong performance now places him at a political crossroads.
Oviedo is expected to meet Valencia on Thursday to discuss a possible alliance that could include joining her ticket as a vice-presidential candidate.
Such a partnership could help Valencia reach voters beyond the traditional conservative base. But it also carries risks for Oviedo, whose supporters may question a close association with the Uribe-aligned political establishment that has dominated Colombia’s right for more than two decades.
The two politicians differ sharply on several issues, including the 2016 peace agreement with FARC and role of the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP), the transitional justice tribunal created to prosecute war crimes committed during Colombia’s internal conflict.
While Oviedo has defended Juan Manuel Santos’ peace agreement and role of the tribunal, Valencia has long criticized JEP and promoted reforms aimed at limiting its legal authority.
Despite the shifting dynamics on the right, the left retains an important institutional foothold following Sunday’s legislative elections.
Petro’s governing coalition, the Historic Pact, emerged as the largest force in the Senate with 25 of the chamber’s 102 seats, according to official results, though it fell short of an outright majority and will need alliances with other parties in the fragmented legislature.
Within the progressive camp, however, the primaries exposed clear divisions.
Former Senate president and former Ambassador to London Roy Barreras secured just over 200,000 votes in the left-wing primary and publicly blamed Petro for the weak turnout, accusing the president of discouraging supporters from voting on Sunday to cement the official candidacy of hard-left candidate Iván Cepeda.
The primaries also underscored the continued weakness of Colombia’s political center.
Former Bogotá mayor Claudia López won her coalition’s primary but attracted fewer than half a million votes, a disappointing result that leaves her entering the first round of the presidential race with reduced political momentum.
With nearly three months remaining before the first round of voting, the campaign that begins this week bears little resemblance to the one that existed before Sunday’s primaries.
The conservative opposition remains divided but newly energized, the left retains institutional strength despite internal tensions, and the political center faces an uphill battle to remain relevant.
In a race now expected to be decided in two rounds, Colombia’s presidential contest is once again wide open as candidates maneuver to build alliances and capture the pivotal voters who will ultimately decide the country’s political direction.
On March 8, Colombia elected the Congress that will exercise legislative authority during the 2026–2030 term. From more than 3,200 candidates, voters chose the 102 senators (upper house) and 182 members of the House of Representatives (lower house) who will make up the country’s legislative branch.
According to preliminary reports from the Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil (RNEC), with 98.4% of polling stations counted, equivalent to 19,220,365 votes tallied, the new Congress has been defined electorally, however, it should be noted that these seat projections correspond to the official preliminary count, which still must go through several formal procedures before the final results are certified.
The Pacto Histórico, the party of current President Gustavo Petro, obtained around 22% of the vote (4,402,601), which would allow it to increase its representation from 20 senators in the current legislature to approximately 25 seats in the next term.
In second place is the Centro Democrático, the party of former President Álvaro Uribe, with about 15% of the vote (3,020,459), potentially increasing its representation from 13 to 17 seats.
The Partido Liberal would rank third with 13 seats (2,268,658 votes). It would be followed by the Alianza por Colombia, led by the Green Party, with 10 seats (1,899,096 votes), and the Partido Conservador, also with 10 seats (1,859,493 votes).
Other wins in the Senate include Party of La U (9 seats), Cambio Radical (7), the Ahora Colombia coalition (5), which backs presidential candidate Sergio Fajardo, and Salvación Nacional (4), the movement of presidential candidate Abelardo de la Espriella. The two remaining seats correspond to the special indigenous constituency.
In terms of losses in representation, the Partido Conservador would be the most affected, losing five of its current 15 seats. Cambio Radical would lose four, the Greens three, La U two, while Liberals and Ahora Colombia would each lose one seat.
Among the prominent figures who would be left out of the new Senate is former President Álvaro Uribe, who occupied position number 25 on his party’s list and would not obtain a seat if the Centro Democrático secures only 17 seats. Green Party senator Angélica Lozano, known for promoting legislation related to transparency, would also lose her seat.
Likewise, movements such as the coalition that supported Juan Daniel Oviedo and the Partido Oxígeno, led by former presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt, who was kidnapped for years by the now-defunct FARC guerrilla group, would fail to surpass the minimum threshold required to obtain Senate representation (3% of the total vote).
On the other hand, the performance of the Salvación Nacional movement, led by presidential candidate Abelardo de la Espriella, stands out. In its first participation in a congressional election, the party would surpass the electoral threshold and secure four senators.
The allocation of seats in the House of Representatives follows a different process from that of the Senate, making it difficult to project the final distribution in the early stages of the vote count.
This is because the calculation is conducted department by department, once the RNEC determines the seat allocation formula and electoral quotient in each of the 32 States and the Capital District of Bogotá.
According to report number 45 from the RNEC, with 99.03% of votes counted, the main parties have obtained the following preliminary nationwide results:
Because the House of Representatives elections involve parties, movements, and coalitions with strong local and regional influence, several smaller political organizations are expected to win seats, as they must surpass regional thresholds rather than a national one.
With the preliminary distribution of seats in both the Senate and the House of Representatives, projections suggest that Colombia’s next president will need to govern through legislative coalitions, as has occurred under President Gustavo Petro and his predecessors.
Presidential candidates Iván Cepeda, of the Pacto Histórico, and Paloma Valencia, of the Centro Democrático, would begin the next political phase with the largest congressional blocs, although neither would have enough seats to govern alone.
Traditional parties such as the Liberal, Conservador, Cambio Radical, and La U, which together could account for more than 40% of the new congress, have not yet decided which presidential candidate they will support, a situation similar to what occurred in the previous election. These parties could therefore become kingmakers, capable of facilitating, or blocking, governability depending on the alliances and coalitions they choose to form.
For that reason, the coming weeks are expected to be marked by intense political negotiations, as presidential contenders attempt to build alliances that would allow them to secure legislative support.
For candidates such as Sergio Fajardo, whose Ahora Colombia coalition would obtain only five senators, or Abelardo de la Espriella, whose Salvación Nacional movement would have four, the challenge will be significantly greater.
Above photo: Polling station during Colombia’s congressional elections. Photo courtesy of the Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil.
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