Latin America’s left saw Cuba as its lodestar. Now leaders across the spectrum are hesitant to aid a nation in the Trump administration’s cross hairs.

La izquierda de América Latina ha visto a la isla como su referente ideológico. Ahora, líderes de todo el espectro dudan en ayudar a una nación que está en la mira del gobierno de Trump.

En una reunión celebrada en Florida, el presidente pidió a los líderes de una decena de países latinoamericanos y caribeños que ayuden al ejército estadounidense a aplastar a los grupos de traficantes armados.

At a gathering in Florida, the president asked the leaders of a dozen Latin American and Caribbean nations to help the U.S. military crush armed trafficking groups.

Avianca has signed a multi-year agreement to become an official sponsor of Miami FC, a professional soccer club competing in the USL Championship. The partnership comes as the club initiates the construction of a new stadium facility in the south Miami-Dade area and seeks to align with corporate partners as part of a long-term growth strategy.

Under the terms of the deal, the airline will receive brand placement on the official team jerseys. Additionally, the club’s fan interaction area, previously known as the Fútbol305 Zone, has been rebranded as the Avianca Fútbol305 Zone. This activation is intended to provide fans with direct access to players and team events.

The move marks a strategic effort by Avianca to consolidate its presence in the Florida market, which serves as a primary hub for its North American operations. According to Rolando Damas, the airline’s sales director for North America and Europe, Miami is a critical gateway connecting the US with Latin America.

Data provided by the carrier indicates a period of growth in its US operations. In 2025, Avianca transported more than 4,900,000 passengers to and from the US, representing an increase of more than 6% compared to 2024 figures. During that same period, the airline operated 34,200 flights within its US network.

Currently, Avianca operates more than 400 weekly flights across 14 US cities. Its Florida operations specifically include more than 100 weekly flights departing from Miami, Orlando, Fort Lauderdale, and Tampa. These routes provide connectivity to destinations in Colombia, Ecuador, and Central America, as well as broader links to more than 80 destinations across 25 countries.

Miami FC executives noted that the partnership coincides with the development of world-class facilities in South Florida. Nathan Krum, the club’s chief marketing and revenue officer, stated that the collaboration is part of a broader vision to increase community accessibility and global connectivity.

Avianca is a member of the Star Alliance and is part of the Abra Group. The airline group includes several subsidiaries such as Aerovías del Continente Americano S.A., Taca International Airlines S.A., and Avianca Ecuador S.A.. In 2025, the consolidated group transported approximately 37,000,000 customers globally, operating a fleet of 140 aircraft including Airbus A320 and Boeing 787 Dreamliner models. Its loyalty program, LifeMiles, currently maintains a membership base of approximately 15,000,000 individuals.

The financial terms of the sponsorship were not disclosed, though it follows a trend of Latin American carriers increasing marketing spend within US professional sports to capture a larger share of the diaspora and tourism markets.

 

As Latin American companies confront slowing growth, talent churn and the demands of hybrid work, leadership effectiveness is being redefined. Strategy and charisma are no longer enough. Increasingly, performance hinges on something less visible: the assumptions leaders and employees hold about one another.

New doctoral research by Dr. Candice Fast suggests those hidden beliefs – often unconscious – can measurably shape engagement, productivity and service outcomes. Her study, Exploring Implicit Belief Alignment in Leaders and Followers, argues that leadership success depends not only on decision-making and execution, but on the mental models quietly governing workplace interactions.

The findings are particularly relevant for Colombia’s corporate sector, where hierarchical traditions often coexist with modern performance management systems.

After surveying 203 participants across North America, Dr.Fast applied validated psychological instruments and statistical modelling to examine how implicit beliefs influence workplace structures. The results indicate that misaligned assumptions between leaders and employees can account for up to 5% of passive behaviour within organizations. In financial terms, this margin is significant.

Why the 5% effect matters

In large corporations, even a 5% increase in engagement can translate into millions of dollars in productivity gains, improved customer satisfaction and lower operational friction. Applied studies cited alongside the research show that teams fostering collaborative belief structures recorded 5% to 10% higher engagement levels and measurable reductions in turnover costs.

For Latin American enterprises – where employee disengagement and retention are endemic challenges – such increments can determine whether performance targets are met or missed.

One of Dr.Fast’s more striking findings is that positive perceptions alone do not guarantee proactive performance. Companies must move beyond the catch phrasing of “positive thinking.” Leaders who unconsciously associate teams with traits such as conformity or passivity may inadvertently reinforce those behaviours, regardless of stated values.

In other words, culture is not shaped solely by policies or incentive systems, but by cognitive framing.

This has implications for multinational corporations operating across the region. Cultural and national variables were shown to influence how expectations are formed and interpreted within teams. In cross-border environments – from Bogotá to São Paulo to Mexico City – misalignment can quietly erode efficiency and collaboration.

As Latin American firms expand internationally and global groups deepen their regional footprint, leadership models that account for cognitive alignment may become a differentiating factor.

Unlike much academic work, Fast’s framework is designed for operational use. It emphasises structured self-assessment to surface subconscious assumptions, the use of 360-degree feedback to identify perception gaps, and the comparison of belief patterns with engagement data. It also encourages organisations to reframe limiting narratives through facilitated dialogue and to embed cognitive flexibility into leadership development programmes.

These tools align with a broader professionalisation of management practices across Latin America, where firms are increasingly adopting analytics-driven approaches to human capital strategy.

Fast’s corporate experience includes more than a decade at The Walt Disney Company, a global operator known for embedding service standards and behavioural alignment into its operational model. The relevance of belief alignment is evident in complex organizations where consistency, collaboration and innovation must scale across thousands of employees.

As an industry insider, Ursafe has publicly endorsed the groundbreaking research, describing it as a practical roadmap for measurable performance improvement. But the broader significance lies more in timing than endorsement. “The clarity it brings to the dynamics between leaders and employees makes it a benchmark for modern organizational development.”

Latin American businesses are navigating inflationary pressures, digital transformation and generational shifts in workplace expectations. In this environment, marginal gains in engagement and trust can compound quickly.

The study’s conclusion is clear: leadership success is not determined solely by strategic vision or authority, but by the invisible assumptions shaping daily interactions between managers and teams.

For companies willing to measure and recalibrate those assumptions, belief alignment may prove to be more than a theoretical construct. It may become a competitive lever – one capable of turning subtle cognitive shifts into tangible financial results.

In a hemisphere where growth increasingly depends on talent retention, innovation and cross-cultural agility, Dr.Candice Fast’s vision of leadership is grounded less on what organizations do — and more on how they think. “Beliefs, though invisible, are among the most powerful tools leaders possess,”  highlighted the data researcher.

En lugar de exacerbar aún más las tensiones, la primera reunión en persona entre los dos líderes terminó con fotos sonrientes y palabras elogiosas, aunque sin acuerdos concretos.

Rather than further inflame tensions, the first in-person meeting between the two leaders yielded smiling photos and complimentary words, if no concrete agreements.

Gustavo Petro y el presidente Donald Trump han tenido una relación tensa. En su reunión del 3 de febrero podría ocurrir cualquier cosa.

President Gustavo Petro of Colombia and President Trump have had a tense relationship that escalated into threats by Mr. Trump, before easing. Anything could happen at their Feb. 3 meeting.

El presidente colombiano dijo que el nuevo tono entre los líderes era “amable” y también que existen profundos desacuerdos con su homólogo estadounidense.

In remarks aboard Air Force One, President Trump threatened Colombia and its president, described Cuba as “ready to fall” and reasserted his desire to acquire Greenland.

More and more countries are legalizing medically assisted death. But even as the concept gains acceptance, there are difficult, unresolved questions about who should be eligible.

The Medellín Secretariat of Tourism and Entertainment participated in the annual United States Tour Operators Association (USTOA) Conference and Marketplace, held through Friday at the Gaylord National Resort & Convention Center in Maryland. The Colombian city’s objective was to market its tourism offerings to US visitors and operators who prioritize sustainable practices and respect for local communities.

The USTOA Annual Conference is considered a significant platform within the US travel industry. The organization, founded in 1972, promotes responsible tourism and the development of experiences that contribute to cultural and environmental preservation. Medellín, operating as an associate member, utilized the event to engage with leading tour operators, international destinations, and specialized suppliers, aiming to secure high-value business agreements and build strategic alliances.

Medellín is seeking to encourage conscious and family-oriented tourism, and discourage those with more lascivious motives.

According to a statement from the Secretariat, the city’s delegation secured 10 business-to-business (B2B) meetings with US operators focused on expanding their travel portfolios into emerging Latin American markets. Medellín also contributed to the conference’s academic section, presenting its tourism assets. The city’s presentation emphasized its focus on the entertainment and social tourism segments, positioning itself for travelers seeking cultural and leisure activities with a defined responsible approach.

The Medellín Mayor’s Office, through its tourism agency and the Greater Medellín Convention & Visitors Bureau, highlighted several elements intended to appeal to international operators. These assets include the city’s calendar of international events, its gastronomic and musical offerings, and its active nightlife. Furthermore, city officials pointed to the modern hotel infrastructure, venues suitable for large-scale events, increased flight connectivity, and the range of cultural programs as factors allowing international operators to design programs that meet traveler expectations.

The city’s participation in the conference represents a push to cultivate long-term partnerships with operators who are committed to what the local administration defines as a more conscious form of travel, aligning with shifting industry trends.

The Latin American culinary sector convened in Antigua, Guatemala, for the 13th edition of Latin America’s 50 Best Restaurants 2025, an event sponsored by S.Pellegrino & Acqua Panna (SIX: NESN, OTC: NSRGY). The ceremony, held at Santo Domingo del Cerro, highlighted establishments from 21 cities across the region, with Bogotá’s El Chato securing the No. 1 position.

Led by Chef Álvaro Clavijo, El Chato ascended from the No. 3 spot in 2024 to be named “The Best Restaurant in Latin America” and “The Best Restaurant in Colombia.” The contemporary bistro is noted for its engagement with local producers and its interpretation of Colombian ingredients. Clavijo founded the restaurant with the objective of positioning Colombian gastronomy globally by utilizing regional products.

“We are truly delighted to celebrate El Chato as The Best Restaurant in Latin America 2025,” stated Craig Hawtin-Butcher, Managing Director for 50 Best. “This achievement reflects the energy, talent and authenticity that make Latin American gastronomy unique in the world.”

Colombia’s Culinary Footprint

Beyond the top spot, Colombian restaurants maintained a significant presence on the list. Celele in Cartagena, known for its research into Caribbean biodiversity, ranked No. 5. In Bogotá, Chef Leonor Espinosa’s Leo placed at No. 23.

Several new entries and recognitions for Colombia were announced. Afluente, located in Bogotá, debuted on the list at No. 34. Humo Negro, also in the capital, appeared at No. 41. Manuel, a restaurant in Barranquilla, was ranked No. 46.

Specific accolades were awarded to Colombian venues. Oda, a Bogotá-based restaurant situated within the G Lounge, received the Sustainable Restaurant Award. The establishment focuses on ingredients sourced from urban gardens and local producers.

Regional Rankings and Awards

Buenos Aires led the city rankings with eight restaurants in the top 50, followed by Lima with seven and Santiago with five. Kjolle (No. 2) in Lima was named “The Best Restaurant in Peru,” while Don Julio (No. 3) in Buenos Aires took the title of “The Best Restaurant in Argentina.”

Other notable awards included:

• Highest New Entry: Casa Las Cujas (No. 14) in Santiago.

• Highest Climber: Cosme (No. 9) in Lima, sponsored by Lee Kum Kee.

• Icon Award: Rodolfo Guzmán of Boragó (No. 6) in Santiago.

• Best Pastry Chef: Bianca Mirabili of Evvai (No. 20), sponsored by República del Cacao.

• Chefs’ Choice Award: Alejandro Chamorro of Nuema (No. 10), sponsored by Estrella Damm (BME: DAMM).

• Best Sommelier: Maximiliano Pérez, sponsored by Vik.

• Best Female Chef: Tássia Magalhães.

The voting process is audited by professional services consultancy Deloitte, utilizing a panel of 300 regional experts including journalists, food critics, and chefs to determine the rankings.

Tourism and Partnerships

The event was hosted in partnership with the Guatemalan Institute of Tourism (INGUAT), which aims to position Guatemala as a competitive destination. Other partners included American Express (NYSE: AXP), Buchanan’s (LSE: DGE, NYSE: DEO), and Ron Zacapa (LSE: DGE, NYSE: DEO).

Above photo: El Chato in Bogotá takes the No.1 spot in Latin America’s 50 Best Restaurants 2025, sponsored by S.Pellegrino & Acqua Panna (PRNewsfoto/50 Best)

Why such a massive U.S. military deployment off the coast of Venezuela, supposedly to combat the “Cartel of the Suns” and stop drug trafficking from Venezuela to the United States? After more than four months, the results amount to little more than a handful of small vessels destroyed – an extremely modest impact given the scale of the force deployed.

The reality is that the volume of drug trafficking transiting through Venezuela to the United States is relatively small. Venezuela is not a producer of cocaine, much less of fentanyl, most of which enters the United States via Mexico. If the real interest is not to halt drug trafficking, what then is the motivation for placing the Fourth Fleet on a war footing in the Caribbean Sea? Logic might lead one to think the U.S. interest is oil, since Venezuela holds the largest reserves in the world—but that is not it either. Today the United States is the world’s leading oil producer, at 13.4 million barrels per day, and it has proven reserves sufficient for approximately ten years, assuming no new discoveries and no improvements in recovery or technological advances—an impossible assumption.

So what, then, is the underlying issue if it is neither drugs, nor oil, nor other minerals in which Venezuela might have potential and that would be attractive to the United States?

The answer lies in a little-publicized document formally released by the White House on December 4, titled National Security Strategy 2025. While the document introduces substantial changes in relations with Europe and traditional adversaries, the most striking element is the new emphasis placed on Latin America. Of the document’s “roadmap to ensure that America remains the greatest and most successful nation in human history”, five sections are devoted exclusively to our region, positioning Latin America as a fundamental component of U.S. security – a very significant shift from earlier versions, which historically prioritized the Middle East or Asia. There is a new strategy, or if you will, a “New Monroe Doctrine,” a continuation of the 1823 Monroe Doctrine, reaffirming U.S. preeminence in the region.

“After years of neglect, the United States will once again apply and enforce the Monroe Doctrine to reestablish U.S. preeminence in the Western Hemisphere, and to protect our homeland and our access to key geographies throughout the region. We will deny non-Hemispheric competitors the ability to position forces or other threatening capabilities, or to own or control strategically vital assets, in our Hemisphere,” states the 29-page document.

Key elements of this new doctrine include: countering external influence by requiring Latin American governments to dismantle foreign military installations and divest strategic assets in exchange for aid or alliances; stopping illegal migration, including naval patrols in the Caribbean and the eastern Pacific, selective border deployments, and the use of incentives for governments to curb migratory flows; combating narco-terrorists and cartels; and sealing economic and political commitments with aligned governments in a win-win framework that would include procurement preferences and greater cooperation, among other measures, with a view to turning Latin America into a stable market for U.S. exports and a buffer against global rivals.

In recent years, China has achieved significant penetration in Latin America through its diplomacy and long-term strategy (the Belt and Road Initiative, or New Silk Road). For nearly all countries in the region, China has become the leading trading partner, displacing the United States; it is also an investor in major infrastructure projects and a lender of funds (in Venezuela’s case, a very large lender that negotiated debt repayment in oil at very low prices). In addition, China has become a major supplier of weapons and information technology.

In this context, what Washington appears to be seeking is indeed a regime change in Venezuela to counter the influence of China and Russia, but without openly announcing it in order to avoid a direct diplomatic confrontation. Trump has segmented the region into friendly regimes (Argentina, El Salvador, Ecuador, Honduras, and Guatemala), enemy regimes (Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua), and regimes in limbo (Colombia and Brazil).

For Venezuela, regime change appears imminent, which would profoundly benefit Colombia, because, as Miguel Uribe Turbay said before he was assassinated, “as long as there is no freedom in Venezuela, there will be no peace in Colombia.” On the other hand, a change of government in Colombia is also approaching, and the country will have to decide which of these groups it wants to belong to—whether it repairs its relations with its traditional partner and ally, or definitively joins the group of pariah states in the region. Let us hope it is the former.

About the author: Luis Guillermo Plata served as Minister of Trade, Industry of Commerce during the government of President Álvaro Uribe Vélez, and in 2021, appointed by President Iván Duque, Ambassador of Colombia to Spain.